THE INSTITUTIONALISATION OF ART IN EARLY VICTORIAN ENGLAND

2010 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 113-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Saumarez Smith

ABSTRACTThis article explores the political and intellectual circumstances which led to the efflorescence of cultural institutions between the foundation of the National Gallery in 1824 and the National Portrait Gallery in 1856: the transformation of institutions of public culture from haphazard and rather amateurish institutions to ones which were well organised, with a strong sense of social mission, and professionally managed. This transformation was in part owing to a group of exceptionally talented individuals, including Charles Eastlake, Henry Cole and George Scharf, accepting appointment in institutions to foster the public understanding of art. But it was not simply a matter of individual agency, but also of coordinated action by parliament, led by a group of MPs, including the Philosophical Radicals. It was much influenced by the example of Germany, filtered through extensive translation of German art historical writings and visits by writers and politicians to Berlin and Munich. It was also closely related to the philosophy of the utilitarians, who had a strong belief in the political and social benefits of the study of art. Only the Royal Academy refused the embrace of state control.

Anthropology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cara Krmpotich

Repatriation is the return of persons, material heritage, and/or associated knowledge to its place of origins. Within anthropology, this frequently refers to the return of items collected and held within museums or other institutional collections to originating communities. Origins and originating communities are variously identified as nation-states, Indigenous or ethnic groups, kin groups, cities or villages, or sites of removal. It is repatriation from cultural institutions, as opposed to battlefield repatriation or repatriation of displaced persons, that the bibliography focuses on. Anthropology is well into its second generation of focused repatriation scholarship, whereas the material culture and human remains at the heart of repatriation requests have frequently had a much longer place in anthropological research. Many items now returning through repatriation processes were originally collected and made objects of study by anthropologists and archaeologists. During the formation of anthropology and archaeology as disciplines, museums, material culture (see the separate Oxford Bibliographies article Material Culture), and physical anthropology were central. Collecting, documenting, and measuring the physical bodies and material heritage of cultural groups were understood by anthropologists to generate data, while museums were sites where comparative analysis could occur, training of students happened, and emerging theories could be presented to scholars and the public alike. Given this history, it is unsurprising that anthropologists have been actively engaged in scholarly debate about the repatriation of materials (whether ethnographic or otherwise), as well as participants in the development of institutional policies, national legislation, and public understanding. In the contemporary moment, anthropologists frequently find themselves working with Indigenous peoples who are vying to hold colonial and settler nations to account for injustice, and who are asserting the viability and legitimacy of their cultural practices into the future. Repatriating ancestral remains and material heritage is one form of redress and expression of sovereignty for many nations and cultural groups. Thus, repatriation is increasingly understood as an expression of contemporary Indigeneities and nationalisms, pushing anthropologists to ask what roles repatriation—and museums more broadly—play in processes of decolonization, reconciliation, indigenization, and nation-building.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. C02 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brice Laurent

Science museums perform representations of science and that of its publics. They have been called to intervene in nanotechnology within global public policy programs expected to develop the field. This paper discusses the case of European science museums. It starts by examining the case of a European project that involved science museums working on nanotechnology. This example illustrates a "democratic imperative" that European science museums face, and which implies a transformation of their public role. It offers a path for the analysis of the current evolution of European science communication perspective – from "public understanding of science" to "scientific understanding of the public" – and of the political construction this evolution enacts.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

This chapter argues that incidents of transformative violence in the periphery fail to generate enough public revulsion to spark an open debate about how policing must change. Vulnerable individuals in the periphery lack the connections with civil society activists, mostly concentrated in urban areas, who would advocate for their rights. Many rural-based activists and NGOs call for a police overhaul in the aftermath of these episodes of transformative violence, but their voices are not as loud or as unified as those speaking about similar events in urban areas. The national leadership’s response to outbreaks of transformative violence in rural areas aims at closing the center’s governance gap where the public rebels against unpopular local authorities. As a result, the state moves to increase the political loyalty of the local police to the center under the pretense of police reform.


Author(s):  
D V Zhuravlev

This article discusses the problems of democratic values implementation in the Russian hybrid regime. In particular, the article analyzes the impact of the political leadership various aspects on the democratization process, shows the data of representative sample of public opinion regarding the value patterns. With the help of discourse analysis, the author comes to the conclusion that there is a negative impact of state control over the public sphere in the process of a democratic regime formation, as well as there is a need of active inclusion of civil society, including the scientific community, in the process of formulating the democratic values’ orientations.


Author(s):  
Emilia Anna Zimnica-Kuzioła

<p>Artykuł  dotyczy  organizacji życia teatralnego w Polsce po roku 1989.  W okresie transformacji ustrojowej nastąpiły zmiany w zakresie funkcjonowania instytucji kultury, w tym i teatrów. Polityka państwa określana jest przez pojęcia decentralizacji czy dewolucji (odejście od monopolu państwowego, przekazywanie instytucji kultury władzom gminnym i samorządom wojewódzkim) i deregulacji (proces odchodzenia od kontroli państwa, ideologiczna niezależność instytucji kultury). Publiczne teatry w Polsce  reprezentują model teatru repertuarowego, którego podstawą jest stały zespół aktorski. Wzrasta jednak liczba teatrów niepublicznych (teatry <em>non-profit</em>, zarejestrowane jako stowarzyszenia lub fundacje, nie nastawione na zysk i teatry komercyjne).</p><strong>Theater Policy in Poland after the Political-System Transformation</strong><p>SUMMARY</p><p>The article discusses the organization of theatrical life in Poland after 1989. During the political-system transformation there were changes in the operation of cultural institutions, including theaters The State policy is defined by the concepts of decentralization or devolution (departure from State monopoly, handing over of cultural institutions to gmina [commune] authorities or provincial self-governments) and deregulation (the process of departing from State control, ideological independence of cultural institutions ). Public theaters in Poland represent the model of repertory theater based on a permanent team of actors. However, the number of non-public theaters is growing (non-profit theaters registered as associations or foundations, and commercial theaters).</p>


Author(s):  
Félix Krawatzek

The democratic consolidation in France around 1968 introduces variation into the comparative regime setting. The chapter discusses the historical and international context of that mobilization which over time has turned into the global symbol of youth revolt. The analysis highlights the links between the political mobilization of differing political groups of young people and the changing discursive contexts. In particular, it emphasizes the mobilizing impact of events abroad for changing the public understanding of youth. Youth mobilization was also closely linked to competing future imaginaries and alternative visions of the French past. However, youth mobilization failed to develop a coherent and unified vision for the country and many of the issues brought forward failed to gain traction in wider society. Therefore, youth revolt could be portrayed as being confined to youth which contributed to the possibility of the Right to triumph in the elections that followed.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>


Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.


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