scholarly journals Networks of Foundations as Norm Entrepreneurs: Between Politics and Policies in EU Decision-making

2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorota Dakowska

AbstractThe European Commission has taken significant steps towards the recognition of political party foundations at EU level. Firstly, it has agreed to recognize them as actors of European development policies. Secondly, it has proposed the creation of political foundations at EU level, linked to the European political parties. This article analyses the reasons, modalities and potential impact of this process, which signifies a breakthrough in comparison with the Commission's previous attitude towards party affiliated organisations. For the foundations, network-building turns out to have been a crucial means to attain legitimacy and access to the European institutions: firstly, through the mobilisation of political entrepreneurs in the European Parliament lobbying the Commission and Council representatives; and secondly, by linking the future role of non-state actors such as political foundations to the reconsideration of the EU's communication policy.

2009 ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Guia Migani

- This article analyses the EEC development policy between 1957, year of the signature of the Rome's Treaties, and 1975, signature of the Lomé Convention. In the first part, we examine the origins of the development policy, also called "Association policy" because the African colonies were associated to the EEC. In the second part, we analyse the two Yaoundé Conventions of Association (1963 and 1969) signed by the European and the African states. During this period the Six concentrated their discussions on the reform of the Convention after the independence of the African countries and the creation of UNCTAD. In the last part, the article focuses on the Seventies and on the Lomé Convention which renewed the instruments of the European Development policy and the relationship between the Nine and the Developing states. The negotiations of the three Conventions (Yaoundé I, Yaoundé II and Lomé) represent good opportunities to study the motivations and the role of the most important actors. Also, the evolution of the European development policy is analysed in relation with the changes of the international context.Parole chiave: Politica di associazione, Cooperazione allo sviluppo, Convenzione di Yaoundé, Convenzione di Lomé, Paesi ACP, Relazioni esterne della CEE EEC Association Policies, EEC Development Policies, Yaoundé Convention, Lomé Convention, ACP Countries, EEC External Relations


REGION ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Andrea Ricci ◽  
Mario Biggeri ◽  
Andrea Ferrannini

Today, Mediterranean marginal territories are facing tremendous challenges but at the same time they have relevant endogenous resources, which are often underutilized and unexploited and that could be pivotal for the strategic recovery and economic and social development of the whole European territory. In the last decades, they have been characterised by a progressive abandonment in favour to urban areas, with consequent high social costs such as the hydrogeological instability, degradation and soil erosion. This research investigates the potential active role of Mediterranean “marginal territories” with respect to the re-formulation, adaptation, interpretation and implementation of the European development policies. The paper aims to verify the idea that Mediterranean marginal territories, in the sense of weak, mountainous and inland, could take part at the construction of their own development trajectories and actively contribute to the harmonious development of Europe, creating new jobs opportunities and stable development patterns. Moreover, the paper aims to formulate policy implications and strategies for the studied areas and for Mediterranean marginal territories more in general.  The structure of this paper starts from general theoretical arguments and a short description of European policies for development; it follows with the diagnostic analysis of three local territorial contexts – i.e. Casentino (Italy), Algarve (Portugal) and Corse (France) – and then it comes back on the general European issues proposing implications and lessons learnt in the analysis of the development processes at the local level. 


2008 ◽  
pp. 4-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Libman

The last decades witnessed the increasing importance of econometric methods and empirical research in economics. The success of the empirical turn in economics depends on the formats and problems of communication between theory and empirics. The paper considers potential difficulties in communication "from the theory to empirical research" and "from empirical research to theory". It analyzes the role of informal consensus as an instrument facilitating such communication and potential impact of this consensus on the direction of research.


2005 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Szalavetz

This paper discusses the relation between the quality and quantity indicators of physical capital and modernisation. While international academic literature emphasises the role of intangible factors enabling technology generation and absorption rather than that of physical capital accumulation, this paper argues that the quantity and quality of physical capital are important modernisation factors, particularly in the case of small, undercapitalised countries that recently integrated into the world economy. The paper shows that in Hungary, as opposed to developed countries, the technological upgrading of capital assets was not necessarily accompanied by the upgrading of human capital i.e. the thesis of capital skill complementarity did not apply to the first decade of transformation and capital accumulation in Hungary. Finally, the paper shows that there are large differences between the average technological levels of individual industries. The dualism of the Hungarian economy, which is also manifest in terms of differences in the size of individual industries' technological gaps, is a disadvantage from the point of view of competitiveness. The increasing differences in the size of the technological gaps can be explained not only with industry-specific factors, but also with the weakness of technology and regional development policies, as well as with institutional deficiencies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
А. И. Кольба ◽  
Н. В. Кольба

The article describes the structural characteristics of the urban communities of the city of Krasnodar and the related features that impact their participation in urban conflicts. This issue is considered in a number of scientific publications, but there is a need to expand the empirical base of such studies. On the base of expert interviews conducted with both city activists, their counterparty (representatives of the municipal government) and external observers (journalists), the parameters of urban communities functioning in the process of their interaction with other conflict actors are revealed. The communities characteristics such as the predominantly territorial principle of formation, the overlap of online and offline communications in their activities, the presence of a “core” with a relatively low number of permanent participants and others are determined. Their activities are dominated by neighborly and civilian models of participation in conflicts. The possibilities of realizing one’s own interests through political interactions (participation in elections, the activities of representative bodies of power, political parties) are not yet sufficiently understood. Urban communities, as a rule, operate within the framework of conventional forms of participation in solving urgent problems, although in some cases it is possible to use confrontational methods, in particular, protest ones. In this regard, the most often used compromise, with the desire for cooperation, a strategy of behavior in interaction with opponents. The limited activating role of conflicts in the activities of communities has been established. The weak manifestation of the civil and especially political component in their activities determines the preservation of a low level of political subjectivity. This factor restrains the growth of urban communities resources and the possibility of applying competitive strategies in interaction with city government and business.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anh D. Pham ◽  
Men T. Bui ◽  
Dung P. Hoang

This research investigates the determinants of entrepreneurial intention among Vietnamese employees, a crucial segment of potential entrepreneurs yet mostly neglected in previous studies. Given the focus on intention to create an international business venture and the working segment, we expand the entrepreneurial event theory by supplementing perceived competence and job satisfaction as determinants of entrepreneurial intention while testing the mediation of perceived feasibility and perceived desirability in such relationships correspondingly. Three focus groups on 27 Vietnamese employees were conducted to explore the specific relevant competences and develop the conceptual model. Afterwards, data from an empirical survey on 567 Vietnamese employees was analysed using a partial least squares structural equation model to test the hypothesised relationships. The empirical results indicate that perceived competences, viz. administrative competence, communication skills, network building competence, and international business expertise have a positive impact on entrepreneurial intention. The relationships between either administrative competence, network building capacity or international business expertise, and entrepreneurial intention are totally mediated by perceived feasibility. The study also reveals a noteworthy finding about the negative direct effect of overall job satisfaction on entrepreneurial intention and the partial mediating role of perceived desirability in this relationship.


Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz

This chapter examines the relationship between parliamentarism and the legislative branch. It explores the evolution of the legislative branch, leading to disillusionment with the rationalized law-making factory, a venture run by political parties beyond the reach of constitutional rules. The rise of democratically bred party rule is positioned between the forces favouring free debate versus effective decision-making in the legislature. The chapter analyses the institutional make-up and internal operations of the legislature, the role of the opposition in the legislative assembly, and explores the benefits of bicameralism for boosting the powers of the legislative branch. Finally, it looks at the law-making process and its outsourcing via delegating legislative powers to the executive.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Julia Partheymüller

It is widely believed that the news media have a strong influence on defining what are the most important problems facing the country during election campaigns. Yet, recent research has pointed to several factors that may limit the mass media’s agenda-setting power. Linking news media content to rolling cross-section survey data, the chapter examines the role of three such limiting factors in the context of the 2009 and the 2013 German federal elections: (1) rapid memory decay on the part of voters, (2) advertising by the political parties, and (3) the fragmentation of the media landscape. The results show that the mass media may serve as a powerful agenda setter, but also demonstrate that the media’s influence is strictly limited by voters’ cognitive capacities and the structure of the campaign information environment.


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