scholarly journals THE LIMITS OF THE ESTADO DOCENTE: EDUCATION AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN PERU, 1876-1940

Author(s):  
Leticia Arroyo Abad

ABSTRACTThe power of the elites became the dominant explanation of the extension of the franchise and expansion of the provision of public services. Peru from 1876 to 1940 presents a contrasting case. Although restricting political participation through literacy requirements, Peru saw an increase in literacy and schooling. Nevertheless, the relative power of the national and local elites articulated the national policies resulting in unequal provision of education. Constrained political access of the economic minority, the indigenous population, translated into a widening gap in terms of educational attainment.

Author(s):  
Carolyn Wong

This book examines the political experience of the Hmong Americans immigrants, who first came to the United States as refugees of Vietnam War. In growing numbers, candidates of Hmong American ethnicity have competed successfully in elections to win seats in local and state legislative bodies in California, Minnesota, and Wisconsin. At the same time, average levels of Hmong American educational attainment still lag far behind levels in the U.S. population and high rates of poverty persist. Their relatively high levels of political engagement defy the logic of resource-based theories of voting, which explain a greater propensity of some individuals to vote resources available to them, such as higher levels of educational attainment or income compared to others Intergenerational mechanisms of social voting underlie political participation of Hmong Americans. Individuals are mobilized to vote through intergenerational social connections already established in associational, neighborhood, ethnic community, family, and clan networks. Identity narratives adapted to modern-day circumstances and popular notions from ancient oral texts serve to motivate collective action to redress of disparities of economic opportunity and cultural misrecognition. Only when local institutions effectively teach civic and political skills to immigrants and their descendants can political participation be sustained and deepened to combine voting with effective policy advocacy, the building of alliances across racial-ethnic divides, and collective action. The research included interviews of community leaders and grassroots residents from diverse backgrounds, primarily in three cities: Fresno, California; Saint Paul, Minnesota; and Hickory, North Carolina.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis F. Angosto-Ferrández

The unprecedented enfranchisement of Venezuela’s indigenous population is partly a result of the formation of a state-sponsored indigenous movement. This movement prioritizes access to social services, economic development, and political participation in state structures over certain goals of free determination. Other forms of collective action with different priorities are evidence of the existence of diverging interests and goals among indigenous people. These divergences are a reflection of the way in which the indigenous population partakes in the shaping of contemporary Venezuelan politics. La inclusión social de las comunidades indígenas de Venezuela no tiene precedentes y se debe, en parte, a la formación de movimientos indígenas auspiciados por el estado. Estos movimientos le dan prioridad al acceso a los servicios sociales, al desarrollo económico y a la participación política en las estructuras estatales por encima de ciertas metas de libre determinación. Otras formas de acción colectiva con prioridades diferentes revelan la presencia/existencia de intereses y objetivos divergentes entre las comunidades indígenas. Estas diferencias son un reflejo de la manera en que las poblaciones indígenas participan en la formación de la política venezolana contemporánea.


2022 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Angel Paniagua ◽  

<abstract> <p>Remote and marginal areas with scarce and vulnerable populations are "comfortable" settings and suitable places for the development of new extractive activities for energy production. Fracking and modern windmills are often controversial activities in marginal areas for native and local populations, with varying political positions from local elites. The new scalar policies associated with the energy project introduce some of the resistance strategies in the form of more than human geographies or hybrid spatial relationships that characterize recent human geography. This paper explores and suggests possible ways of integrating local interests with regional or national policies based on the "health" of marginal populations, marginal rather than human materiality's and marginal more-than-human.</p> </abstract>


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-62
Author(s):  
Edgar Franco-Vivanco

ABSTRACT The centralization of conflict resolution and the administration of justice, two crucial elements of state formation, are often ignored by the state-building literature. This article studies the monopolization of justice administration, using the historical example of the General Indian Court (gic) of colonial Mexico. The author argues that this court’s development and decision-making process can show us how the rule of law develops in highly authoritarian contexts. Centralized courts could be used strategically to solve an agency problem, limiting local elites’ power and monitoring state agents. To curb these actors’ power, the Spanish Crown allowed the indigenous population to raise claims and access property rights. But this access remained limited and subject to the Crown’s strategic considerations. The author’s theory predicts that a favorable ruling for the indigenous population was more likely in cases that threatened to increase local elites’ power. This article shows the conditions under which the rule of law can emerge in a context where a powerful ruler is interested in imposing limits on local powers—and on their potential predation of the general population. It also highlights the endogenous factors behind the creation of colonial institutions and the importance of judicial systems in colonial governance.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jurnal ARISTO ◽  
Muhammad Fadli ◽  
Muh. Kausar Bailusy ◽  
Jayadi Nas ◽  
Achmad Zulfikar

This research aims to illustrate and analyze the role of local elites in increasing voter participation and impact of local elite involvement in North Toraja District Head Vice Regent and Vice Regent 2015 by using qualitative descriptive method. Data were obtained by using interviews as well as literature and document studies.The results indicate that local elites play a role in increasing participation in Pilkada in North Toraja according to their capacity. Local political elites socialize candidate pairs, become campaign teams and volunteer teams of candidates for regent / vice bupati candidates. Religious figures become part of the election organizers and socialize the implementation of Pilkada through religious activities. Adat leaders play a role by utilizing the charisma owned socialize information Pilkada to the community, build communication with the candidate pair then support it in the elections.The involvement of local elites in the implementation of North Sulawesi District Head Vice Regent and Vice Regent 2015 has a significant impact on the political participation of the community. Increasing the political participation of the people in Pilkada is not solely because of the involvement of local elites in disseminating information on Regional Head Election. However, there are other motivating factors that enable the community to actively participate, namely (1) to be given material rewards (including piloting gambling activities) and (2) the religious sentiments of one of the candidate pairs on religious leaders in worship activities.


Author(s):  
Tiago Lapa ◽  
Gustavo Cardoso

In recent years, protests took the streets of cities around the world. Among the mobilizing factors were the perceptions of injustice, democratization demands, and, in the case of liberal democracies, waves of discontentment characterized by a mix of demands for better public services and changes in the discredited democratic institutions. This paper discusses social media usage in mobilization for demonstrations around the world, and how such use configures a paradigmatic example of how communication occurs in network societies. In order to frame the discussion, social media appropriation for the purposes of political participation is examined through a survey applied online in 17 countries. The ways in which social media domestication by a myriad of social actors occurred and institutional responses to demonstrations developed, it is argued that, in the network society, networked people, and no longer the media, are the message.


Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Anne Cleymans

The object of this article is to focus on a survey on political participation in Belgium in the mid seventies. By political participation, the author refers to a set of political  activities - conventional and less conventional, electoral and pre-electoral - which are hierarchical structured on a Guttman scale.Although the research is more or less unique - in Belgian terms - in this respect, the results are at first glance compatible with earlier findings. Most Belgians are rather passive citizens; 30 % of the survey sample performs none of the activities integrated in the scale.A closer look learns that male, middle aged citizens with some education and a decent job are most involved in polities, but it reveals also that gender, age, socio-economie class and educational attainment are not the one and only reliable predictors of political  activity.


Author(s):  
Kay Lehman Schlozman ◽  
Sidney Verba ◽  
Henry E. Brady

This chapter takes into account information about parents' education and political involvement and about the home political environment, which adds another dimension to the persistence of inequalities of political voice. These processes, in short, work across generations. Those who had well-educated parents are, for two reasons, more likely to be politically active as adults. For one thing, they are more likely to have grown up in politically stimulating homes with parents who were politically active and an environment of frequent political discussion. More important but less often noticed, because educational attainment is likely to be handed on across generations, those whose parents were well educated are more likely to become well educated themselves, with consequences for the acquisition of many other factors that encourage political participation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Ayse Ottekin Demirbolat

This paper aims to explore the relationships between educational attainment as expressed in PISA scores and several socio-economic and political variables some of which are sub-indices of Human Development Index. The correlation analysis reveals that there are highly significant associations between educational attainment and civil liberties, political participation, GDP per capita, average years of schooling, expected years of schooling and happiness. However, of these, regression analysis indicates that only expected years of schooling and average years of schooling appear as predictors of educational attainment. The lack of explanatory power of political participation, happiness and civil liberties variables may possibly be due to the inclusion of hard to measure subjective factors in the definition of these, which may not reflect the true state of affairs.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316802095831
Author(s):  
Barry C. Burden ◽  
Pamela Herd ◽  
Bradley M. Jones ◽  
Donald P. Moynihan

Although educational attainment is one of the strongest correlates of mass political participation, researchers disagree about whether it has a causal impact on voter turnout. One prominent theory proposes the observed correlation between higher educational attainment and political participation is spurious, largely reflecting early-life factors such as genetics, family resources, and parental values. To test this claim we analyze siblings in a longitudinal survey to control for the pre-adult environmental effects on official measures of turnout among older adults. We find some support for spurious effects of education, particularly in a midterm election where the most politically engaged individuals are mobilized. Because patterns of political engagement are formed in childhood, early-life experiences may be more influential in midterm elections where fewer stimuli and resources are present to mobilize voters.


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