Bargaining for Justice

1988 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 65-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Hardin

David Gauthier's Morals by Agreement presents a partial theory of distributive justice. It is partial because it applies only to the distribution of gains from joint endeavors, or what we may call the ‘social surplus’ from cooperation. This surplus is the benefit we receive from cooperation insofar as this is greater than what we might have produced through individual efforts without interaction with others. The central core of Gauthier's theory of distributive justice is his bargaining theory of ‘minimax relative concession’ or MRC. Whether his theory is compelling turns essentially on whether MRC is workable and compelling. It is this issue that I wish to address.

Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman

This chapter argues that distributive justice is institutionally based. Certain cooperative institutions are basic: they are necessary for economic production and the division of labor, trade and exchange, and distribution and consumption. These background institutions presuppose principles of justice to specify their terms, allocate productive resources, and define fair distributions. Primary among these basic institutions are property; laws and conventions enabling transfers of goods and productive resources; and the legal system of contract and agreements that make transfers possible and productive. Political institutions are necessary to specify, interpret, enforce, and make effective the terms of these institutions. Thus, basic cooperative institutions are social; they are realizable only within the context of social and political cooperation—this is a fixed empirical fact about cooperation among free and equal persons. Given the nature of fair social cooperation as a kind of reciprocity, distributive justice is primarily social rather than global in reach.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (Supplement_2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarida Pocinho ◽  
Fatima Matos ◽  
Ana Amaral

Abstract Background The symbolic universe of cancer is associated with death, but its treatment has undergone innumerable innovations, which may lead to a new meaning for social representations. The theory of social representations seeks the new, which changes in the knowledge of common sense (Guareschi & Jovchelovitch, 1994). Thus, the objective of this work is to identify the social representations of cancer and breast cancer, identifying their changes and their meanings based on the central nucleus and the peripheral system. Methods Qualitative and descriptive study, based on the structural approach of the theory of social representations. The sample was non-probabilistic and due to accessibility. The collection instrument was a Word Evocation Test with two inducing words, ‘cancer’ and ‘breast cancer’. The subjects were asked to mention three words that came to their mind immediately and spontaneously. The SPSS and IRAMUTEQ software were used. Results 753 subjects participated and 2316 words were evoked for each inducing word. In the central core of cancer the words pain, illness, death, suffering. Central core of breast cancer: treatment, pain, feeling, woman, strength. Conclusions The social representation of cancer is still strongly death, while in breast cancer it is the treatment. Suffering and pain are part of the central core of the two words and continue to characterize the disease, but in breast cancer the word strength appears. It is concluded that the social representation of breast cancer is being reframed.


Author(s):  
Stanley Souza Marques ◽  
Marcelo Andrade Cattoni De Oliveira

The article takes up the criticisms directed by Axel Honneth to the basic structure of the dominant conceptions of justice, but merely to point out the general outlines of his alternative project of justice normative reconstruction. If John Rawls and Michael Walzer structure theories of distributive justice very consistently and in order to get to the autonomy protection (already taken so) in a more sophisticated way, that to be satisfied it transcends the (mere) obligation of not interfering in the realization of individual life projects, Honneth proposes the radicalization of justice's demands. It is because he pays his attention to the mutual expectation of consideration. This point would be the new texture of the social justice. In this sense, the principles of fair distribution leave the scene to make way for principles which guidelines are directed towards the society basic institutions involved in a new goal: to set up favourable contexts for the success of plural reciprocal relationships.


2021 ◽  
pp. 161-164
Author(s):  
Eric A. Posner

Many people are worried about the fragmentation of labor markets, as firms replace employees with independent contractors. Another common worry is that low-skill work, and ultimately nearly all forms of work, will be replaced by robots as artificial intelligence advances. Labor market fragmentation is not a new phenomenon and can be addressed with stronger classification laws supplemented by antitrust enforcement. In fact, the gig economy has many attractive elements, and there is no reason to fear it as long as existing laws are enforced. Over the long run, artificial intelligence may replace much of the work currently performed by human beings. If it does, the appropriate response is not antitrust or employment regulation but policy that ensures the social surplus is fairly divided.


2013 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman

AbstractJohn Rawls says: “The main problem of distributive justice is the choice of a social system.” Property-owning democracy is the social system that Rawls thought best realized the requirements of his principles of justice. This article discusses Rawls’s conception of property-owning democracy and how it is related to his difference principle. I explain why Rawls thought that welfare-state capitalism could not fulfill his principles: it is mainly because of the connection he perceived between capitalism and utilitarianism.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hartmut Elsenhans

Increasingly, one can observe the power of the state extending into the modem sector of Third World economies. Different types of cooperative relationships are established with multinational corporations, even to the point of excluding them altogether. A considerable part of the literature suggests that in this instance there is the formation of dependent capitalist societies, what could be referred to as state capitalism. Such a definition is contradictory and conceals the true operation of these societies. In fact, was are witnessing the emergence of a new type of production that the author refers to as bureaucratic development societies dominated by bureaucratically organized state classes. These state-classes collectively appropriate the social surplus and determine its allocation on a political basis allocating it either to consumption by the dominant class or to investment, but in this latter case, without consideration as to the immediate return on possible investments. The means by which such a class arrives at decisions are of particular interest because the author shows that they constitute both a hope and a threat for the broad-based development of the economies and the societies of the Third World.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Carmen R. Morilla ◽  
M. Alejandro Cardenete

This paper aims to show the utility of the Social Accounting Matrix and Environmental Accounts (SAMEA). The article begins with the elaboration of the SAMEA for Spain in 2000, applied to water resources and to greenhouses gas emissions. The estimation has been made with official data of INE, integrating the environmental physical information, proceeding from the Accounts of the Water Resource and the Emissions to the Atmosphere, with the monetary information published by the National Accounting. This matrix is used as the central core of a multisectorial model of the economic and environmental performance, from which the "domestic SAMEA multipliers" are calculated. These multipliers show the impacts of different production activities on the economy and environment.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Camila de Alencar PEREIRA ◽  
Silvana Carneiro MACIEL ◽  
Dayse Barbosa SILVA ◽  
Luã Medeiros Fernandes de MELO

Abstract This study sought to identify the structure of legal professionals’ representations of child and adolescent sexual abuse anchored by the central core theory of social representations. The sample included 31 professionals responsible for implementing public policies in relation to victims, their family members, and aggressors. A sociodemographic questionnaire was employed with a free word association task. The resulting data were analyzed using Statistical Package for the Social Sciences 21.0 and the R Interface for Multidimensional Analyses of Texts and Questionnaires, respectively. The central core of the professionals’ representations included the terms “violence”, “trauma”, and “grief”; furthermore, they pathologized the abuser, and their representations were anchored by criminological and psychological explanations of sexual abuse. This fragmented view of sexual abuse lacks macroexplanations that address cultural and social factors as well as proposals that involve society as a whole.


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