AFTER SOCIALISM: MUTUALISM AND A PROGRESSIVE MARKET STRATEGY

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 204-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Galston
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Building Blocks ◽  
Recent History ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Market Strategy ◽  
Laissez Faire

I undertake three tasks in this exploratory essay. First, I examine some of the lessons of recent history concerning the relation between socialism, markets, and liberal democracy. Second, I lay out the basic theoretical building-blocks of an alternative to both socialism and laissez-faire that I call “mutualism.” Finally, I draw some conclusions for public policy and practice, in the form of what I call a “progressive market strategy.” A brief conclusion ponders the question, What's left of socialism?

Moving the National Institute of Justice Forward: July 2010 through December 2012

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-174
Author(s):  
John H. Laub
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Research Evidence ◽  
Evaluation Agency ◽  
Department Of Justice ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
National Institute Of Justice ◽  
Rigorous Research ◽  
Criminology And Criminal Justice ◽  
New Strategies

Criminologists are often frustrated by the disconnect between sound empirical research and public policy initiatives. Recently, there have been several attempts to better connect research evidence and public policy. While these new strategies may well bear fruit, I believe the challenge is largely an intellectual one. Ideas and research evidence must guide public policy and practice. In this article, I present highlights from my tenure as the Director of the National Institute of Justice (NIJ), the research, development, and evaluation agency in the Department of Justice. One of the ideas that I emphasized at NIJ was “Translational Criminology.” I believe translational criminology acknowledges NIJ’s unique mission to facilitate rigorous research that is relevant to the practice and policy. I also discuss the challenges I faced in bringing research to bear on public policy and practice. I end with a call for my colleagues in criminology and criminal justice to become more involved in government.

scholarly journals Of Higher Intentions and Lower Expectations

2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-211
Author(s):  
Michael Bohlander
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Building Blocks ◽  
Survey Questionnaire ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
Legal Thinking ◽  
Main Instrument ◽  
Case Based

The author had planned to work on a monograph related to the potential of using the maqāṣid in Islamic jurisprudence, uncoupled from their religious foundations, as a tool for the conversation with secular law and legal thinking, which by and large has shed its own religious roots and proceeded to an ethics-driven approach based on public policy or interest, and/or systemic logical coherence. The premise of the research project was that lawyers largely think the same thoughts and that they use different building blocks to construct rather similar-looking houses. The main instrument of the research was a survey questionnaire with a series of case-based scenarios sent to a number of Islamic scholars to provide the answers to the scenarios from the Shari’ah perspective. The survey failed in its entirety, so the research turned into an attempt to find the reasons for the failure. This paper will set out reflections on why it went wrong.

The Politics of Paternalism: Adult and Youth Perspectives on Youth Voice in Public Policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 118 (8) ◽  
pp. 1-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerusha O. Conner ◽  
C. Nathan Ober ◽  
Amanda S. Brown
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
New Media ◽  
Youth Voice ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Individual Interviews ◽  
Data Collection And Analysis ◽  
Community Forum ◽  
Field Notes ◽  
Axial Coding ◽  
The Impact

Background/Context Over the last two decades, youth involvement in policy advocacy has increased sharply, through youth councils, organizing coalitions, and new media forums. Currently 12 states and 140 American cities have youth councils or commissions established to advise policymakers on the impact of their legislation on youth. Despite their growing presence, we know little about what these councils do, how they are viewed, or how, if at all, they influence policy-making processes. Purpose This study explores manifestations of adultism during the first 4 years of the Ballou City Youth Commission (BCYC) from the perspectives of 22 youth members and adult allies. Research Design Though primarily interview-based, this study also draws on field notes collected during a BCYC meeting and a BCYC community forum and organizational artifacts to explore the nature and dynamics of adultism as they played out in BCYC. Data Collection and Analysis In-depth, individual interviews were conducted with 11 current and former youth commissioners and 11 adults who represented the target audience for BCYC's work or who partnered with the commission on various initiatives. The theoretical framework of adultism guided the analysis, which included open and axial coding, memo writing, and the construction of matrices and charts to track emergent patterns. Findings/Results Using a critical theory lens, we find that adultism has played a prominent role in limiting BCYC from achieving the goals laid out in its charter. We identify a “roller coaster of adultism” that illustrates how weak initial structures coupled with deeply entrenched views of youths’ limited capacity adversely impacted the functioning of BCYC and propelled a cycle of externalized and internalized adultism. Conclusions The study adds to the scant literature on youth voice in public policy, raises six clear implications for policy and practice, and extends theory by illustrating the complex ways in which external and internalized forms of adultism interact with and reinforce each other.

Law and the Economy: 1776–1850

2019 ◽  
pp. 147-172
Author(s):  
Lawrence M. Friedman
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Government Intervention ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
High Noon

This chapter focuses on regulation in the early nineteenth century. The nineteenth century is considered the high noon of laissez-faire. Government, by habit and design, kept its hands off the economy and let the market do its magic. The first half of the century, in particular, was strongly pro-enterprise, pro-growth. The aim of public policy was the release of creative energy and that meant economic energy, enterprise energy. Government reflected what its constituents wanted. It did what it could to boost the economy, which could mean subsidy or outright intervention. Government intervention, or government regulation, primarily meant the states, not the federal government.

The Development of American Laissez Faire

1943 ◽  
Vol 3 (S1) ◽  
pp. 51-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick K. Henrich
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Important Influence ◽  
Early National Period ◽  
The Public ◽  
Legislative Action ◽  
Political Group ◽  
Early National ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
National Period

The pamphlet literature and the public documents of our early national period show that in spite of repeated instances of governmental interference in economic life, a great deal of thinking was being done along laissez-faire lines. This thought was unsystematic. It was pragmatic rather than philosophical, never doctrinaire, concerned primarily with defending and attacking specific measures of public policy. Nevertheless, it was serious thought, and in many instances had an important influence on legislative action. It was not restricted to any political group, but pervaded to a greater or less degree the thinking of all leaders of the community. Owing little to the teachings of contemporary European economists, American libertarianism deserves analysis as an indigenous body of theory, growing out of, and adjusted to American conditions.

Reassessing the Effect of Public Policy on Family Functioning

1978 ◽  
Vol 59 (8) ◽  
pp. 451-457 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley L. Zimmerman
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Family Functioning ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
The Family

The primacy of the family must be reflected in both policy and practice if families with socially dependent members are to be served effectively

A Discussion of Christopher H. Achen and Larry M. Bartels' Democracy for Realists: Why Elections Do Not Produce Responsive Government

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Sabl
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Folk Theory ◽  
The Public ◽  
Rational Voter ◽  
Rational Preferences ◽  
Theory Of Democracy ◽  
The U.S

Liberal democracy is often viewed by its supporters as a system of government that responds to the informed and rational preferences of the public organized as voters. And liberal democracy is often viewed by its critics as a system that fails to respond to the informed and rational preferences of its citizens. In this book Larry Bartels and Chris Achen draw on decades of research to argue that a “realistic” conception of democracy cannot be centered on the idea of a “rational voter,” and that the ills of contemporary democracies, and especially democracy in the U.S., must be sought in the dynamics that link voters, political parties and public policy in ways that reproduce inequality. “We believe,” write the authors, “that abandoning the folk theory of democracy is a prerequisite to both greater intellectual clarity and real political change. Too many democratic reformers have squandered their energy on misguided or quixotic ideas.”

‘Religious schools, civic education, and public policy: A framework for evaluation and decision’

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian MacMullen
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Public Education ◽  
Education Policy ◽  
Civic Education ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Continuous Variable ◽  
Religious Schools ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Public Education Policy

Some people claim that religious schools are poorly suited to prepare children for citizenship in a multi-religious society that is (or aspires to be) a liberal democracy. In what sense(s), by what mechanism(s), and to what extent might this be so? And what could be the implications for public policy? I propose an analytical and evaluative framework for addressing these questions. There are several potentially independent dimensions on which a school may have a religious character, and each of these dimensions is a continuous variable. Schools that are strongly religious on all of these dimensions are indeed very poor instruments of civic education in a multi-religious society. But what about schools whose religious character is far weaker on each dimension? If these schools are inferior to their secular counterparts for civic educational purposes, that inferiority may be very slight. Given the great diversity among religious schools, and if – as I argue – the civic goals of education are not the only important values that ought to guide public education policy, there are powerful reasons to discriminate among (proposed) religious schools when making policy decisions about regulation and funding. Those who oppose such a discriminating approach must demonstrate that the benefits of ‘difference blindness’ in this domain outweigh its substantial costs.

Supporting Family Strengths: Orienting Policy and Practice toward the 21st Century

1995 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 141-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Weick ◽  
Dennis Saleebey
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Treatment Strategies ◽  
Family Treatment ◽  
Community Life ◽  
Family Strengths ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Cultural Challenges ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
Support Family

Families today are under siege as they try to respond to economic, social, and cultural challenges beyond their control. The myths of economic self-sufficiency and psychological normalcy have engendered, in both public policy and family treatment, strategies that isolate, punish, and pathologize families. To move beyond these myths, it is necessary to draw more generous definitions of what constitutes family by placing families within the nurturing membrane of community life and actively seeking to support family strengths through imaginative and innovative policies and empowering practices.

For the sake of the children? Children, domestic violence and public policy

2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-12
Author(s):  
Suellen Murray ◽  
Anastasia Powell
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Child Protection ◽  
Current Policy ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Policy Responses ◽  
Specialist Services ◽  
Future Direction ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Discursive Constructions

More attention than ever before is being paid to children in Australian public policy concerned with domestic violence. In family law and in the areas of child protection, policing and in the provision of specialist services, there is recognition that children are affected by domestic violence. Yet the ‘discovery’ of the impact of domestic violence on children and the development of public policy responses have not been straightforward processes of problem identification and solution. Rather, there are a number of competing discourses which underlie various policy approaches. Drawing on Bacchi’s (1999) ‘what’s the problem represented to be?’ approach, we examine the discursive constructions of children’s experiences of domestic violence and the responses to them as evident in Australian public policy. In identifying these particular understandings, and considering the implications of these meanings for current policy and practice, we aim to contribute to debate on the future direction of domestic violence policy concerned with children.

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