The Erosion of Communist Party Control over Lawmaking in China

1994 ◽  
Vol 138 ◽  
pp. 381-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murray Scot Tanner

This article examines the organizational evolution of Communist Party control over lawmaking processes and institutions in post-Mao China. In particular, it charts the erosion and decentralization of Party control which has accompanied the rise of lawmaking since 1978. The unity of Party control over lawmaking has frayed and dissipated dramatically in these years, as more and more important policy issues are resolved outside the arena of the Party's central decision-making organs (such as the Politburo, the Secretariat, and so on). This decentralization has been matched by a corresponding increase in the institutional power, autonomy and assertiveness of the government (executive) lawmaking offices, and other more open policy-making arenas, most notably the National People's Congress, but also including the Supreme People's Court.

1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Larry W. Bowman

Relationships between U.S. government officials and academic specialists working on national security and foreign policy issues with respect to Africa are many and complex. They can be as informal as a phone call or passing conversation or as formalized as a consulting arrangement or research contract. Many contacts exist and there is no doubt that many in both government and the academy value these ties. There have been, however, ongoing controversies about what settings and what topics are appropriate to the government/academic interchange. National security and foreign policy-making in the U.S. is an extremely diffuse process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anubha Taneja Mukherjee

Decision making is an inherently complicated procedure, which by its very nature requires the decision-maker to co-opt all the stakeholders concerned. The procedure of decision-making may vary from country to country, depending on its size, culture, history and special demographic circumstances. Around the world, key decision-makers include the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. While the distribution of powers between these three may vary in tandem with their relation to each other, their roles remain the same. While the legislature enacts laws for its citizens, the executive, popularly known as the government, implements these laws and while doing so promulgates policies that are in alignment with the said laws. Mostly, the executive is also authorised to promulgate some laws of its own. The judiciary, on the other hand, comes into the picture when there is a dispute with regard to such laws. It also steps in on its own at times. While settling such disputes, the judiciary also ends up setting what we know as precedents, which also become a part of the legal fabric of a society. In a nutshell, these three are the key decision makers in any country. As mentioned above, while making decisions, these authorities are mostly required to co-opt all the stakeholders concerned, thereby making decision making a consultative process. These stakeholders include think tanks, research bodies, media and most importantly the affected party. The reason for having such a consultative procedure in place is that the decision makers are not experts in every subject or issue that comes their way. For instance, when a need to promulgate a national policy on thalassemia presents itself to a certain government, whether it be owing to media reportage or representations from the civil society, the decision makers will look towards people considered to be the experts in the subject to come forward and be a part of the policy making. One could say that this sounds like an ideal situation where the government actually invites people concerned with thalassemia to come forward and share views about it for the purpose of policy making. It is, however, true! It is as true for India as it is for any developed country. What we must ensure then is that the government or the decision maker considers us, the patients, as the experts. While it does sound obvious that those impacted with the disorder would be the ones with the first-hand knowledge about the disorder, the very fact that there is a topic in this conference on the role of patients in decision making speaks volumes about the distance that remains to be covered by the patients of thalassemia as far as participation in decision-making is concerned. With the massive strides in the field of medical science and the unflinching support of organisations like Thalassemia International Federation (TIF), we have now reached the stage where we must step out of the victim mode and represent ourselves before the decision-makers, whether by forming Patients Advocacy Groups or otherwise. One may take cue from various associations around the world. Global HD Organisations are a good example. They are known to have got together to give patients a voice in clinical research. The most popular strategy for reaching out to the decision makers is to unite, engage, and partner both in private meetings and consultative fora like events, task forces and projects. “Unite, Engage & Partner” can therefore be the most successful mantra for engaging with the decision makers. Talking of examples of advocacy and participation by patients, while there are numerous examples in Europe and North America of the power of patient advocacy so much so that patients are on the same level as doctors when it comes to voicing opinions in policy making, TIF on an international level has created since 2009 the Expert Patients Programme, and is now moving forward in giving patients a voice through its educational platform. Recently, India also launched its first Thalassemia Patients Advocacy Group (PAG) in the august presence of the Deputy Chief Minister of the capital of the country. The India PAG has seven patients from the fields of law, psychology, education and IT. The Group is already involved with the government on the formulation of the National Thalassemia Policy. This is a great start and this should give enough and more encouragement to thalassemics across the world to UNITE, ENGAGE AND PARTNER in the process that impacts them the most – decision-making!


Subject Communist Party control over private businesses. Significance The Chinese Communist Party sees itself as a 'vanguard party'. That is, it governs by leading other social groups, including the government and private enterprise. Reforms over the years have withdrawn the government from direct control of many industries, but the Party is reasserting control behind the scenes. Impacts In the business sector, control by the state is being replaced with control by the Party; enterprise is not an independent sector. Large private sector firms such as China's ICT giants are subject to the influence and occasional control of Party groups. Party infrastructure in foreign companies is growing, and the Party may take a closer look at business decisions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Widayati Widayati ◽  
Winanto Winanto

Indonesia since before independence until the time the core adopted a multi-party system. While the system of government changes, from a presidential, parliamentary, quasi presidential system. Multiparty presidential government systems can disrupt the stability and effectiveness of the government because there must be a coalition of political parties in the government, the preparation of the cabinet by the President must consider and accommodate the interests of coalition political parties, decision making or policy-making must also consider the interests of coalition political parties, so it will require longer time. The coalition of political parties is very fluid and pragmatic, so there may be a change in the coalition because there is a possibility that political parties that were outside the coalition will then enter the government coalition, and vice versa. Exit the entry of political parties in the government coalition will certainly be very disturbing, because political parties who have just joined the government will demand a seat in the government, especially in the cabinet. Unloading pairs of the cabinet or dismantling pairs of government seats will often occur. This of course greatly disrupts the stability and effectiveness of government. Therefore, a presidential government system ideally does not combine with a multi-party system. A change from a multi-party system to a simple multi-party system is needed, or if possible with a two-party system.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zia-Ur Rehman ◽  
Zahid Bashir ◽  
Asia Baig

This study focuses on Economic turmoil due to issues of the Middle East and its relation to oil prices, hence transposing the crisis to other economies of the world. A qualitative and logical resigning technique is used during the study. The author finds that the Middle East has a lot of issues related to oil prices, oil production. Most important are wars and conflicts within the region, terrorism, radicalism, the influence of US in the region, week government, and issues of politics. This study provides information to the government in policy making, in investment decisions, in politics and in financial decision making related to oil prices and its production in the region


1981 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. D. Kirby

By a review of a series of comparable decisions in the Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) some of the problems that may arise as the jurisdiction and role of the AAT continues to expand in the review on the merits of Commonwealth administrative decisions are identified. The problems include first, the apparent difficulty for democratic theory of unelected tribunal members (including persons who are also judges) reviewing policy determined by elected Ministers; secondly, the creation of a dichotomy between decisions made by the AAT and decisions of public servants faithfully and more consistently applying Ministerial policy; thirdly, the limitation upon the membership and procedures of the AAT which restrict any truly effective wide-ranging review of government policy; and, fourthly, the potential damage to community confidence in the judiciary, by the involvement of judges in the frank determination of controversial matters of public policy. The role of policy-making in the courts is acknowledged and similarities and differences in the function of the courts and the AAT in the review of policy issues are indicated. It is concluded that the AAT will require all arms of government in Australia to face more precisely the role of policy in adjudicative decision-making.


2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
RANDOLPH KLUVER

The rapid development of the Peoples' Republic of China has put increasing strains on an overwhelmed administrative and bureaucratic structure that was already hobbled by persistent inefficiency and corruption. In addition to anti-corruption and professionalization campaigns, the government has devised a system of e-governance with the goal of adding stability and order to a chaotic governing process. This includes re-establishing the control of the governing authorities, including improving the quality of surveillance and data gathering and hence policy-making; the elimination of corruption; and ultimately, the re-legitimation of the Communist Party of China. This paper discusses the critical administrative and political problems facing the government, demonstrates ways in which e-government has been designed to meet these, and discusses the problems presented by a reliance on e-government in a developing country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Webster

A key component of New Zealand’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic was how the government was organised and supported to make decisions in relation to the health, economic, social, foreign policy, legal and other policy issues it faced. The New Zealand system of central government decision making, as set out in the Cabinet Manual and operated by the Cabinet Office, was continually adapted to ensure that the Prime Minister and Ministers, and the officials working to them, were provided with a system that facilitated both rapid and considered decision making and promulgation of those decisions.


Author(s):  
Om Prakash

Public policy and policy making is an inherent task of the institutions and state for the purpose of well-knit and sustainable governance in the society and organisation as well as in the state. The quality of governance is based upon how visionary the public policy is and how far it has been implemented. The aspect of sustainability thrives on the perspective that policy making should be inclusive having inter-generational justice. The chapter attempts to look into how far history has played its role in policymaking of the state and civil society. It also looked into how history had a role in the foreign policy making of the state. Analogies can be drawn from the past experience into the present decision making which can have a reflection in the future as well. Lyndon Johnson's administration prepared internal histories to key policy issues, in hopes of better informing the initial efforts of its successor. The illustrations and examples in the chapter are not confined to the geographical boundaries of any particular nation but rather have a global dimension.


1970 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 169-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Parris H. Chang

In the course of the Cultural Revolution, both Chinese official and Red Guard sources have revealed that the so-called Chung-yang kung-tso hui-i (Central Work Conference)—an institution hitherto not well known to outside observers—had met frequently during 1960–66 and that these meetings were connected with decisions on important policy issues. While its existence and jurisdiction have never been formally stipulated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Constitution of 1956 or 1945, the Central Work Conference appears to have become an important locus of decision in the Party during the 1960s. There are indications that it functioned alongside of the Party's regular decision-making bodies, the Central Committee (CC) and the Politburo, and that it replaced, and possibly pre-empted, the functions of other institutional devices which Mao Tse-tung has utilized during the second half of the 1950s. This article examines briefly the participants in, and functions of, the Central Work Conference and other types of Party meetings, attempting to shed some light on the loci of decision in the CCP. Appended to the article is a list of known Party meetings from 1949–66, compiled from official and Red Guard publications, which may be of some use to students of Chinese Communist affairs.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document