scholarly journals STILLBORN YET NOT WITHOUT INFLUENCE: WHAT MILL’S POLITICAL ECONOMY OWES TO HIS PROJECT OF ETHOLOGY

Author(s):  
Christophe Salvat

This article questions the articulation between John Stuart Mill’s initial project of creating a new science dedicated to the means of improving individual character, a science named “ethology,” and the treatise of political economy that he published instead. My claim is that his defense of free competition as well as some of the arguments he opposes to it, and which have often puzzled his readers, actually reveal the moral agenda of his political economy and of some of his political principles, specifically his ambivalent position towards paternalism.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christophe Salvat

This article questions the articulation between John Stuart Mill’s initial project of creating a new science dedicated to the means of improving individual character, a science named ethology, and the treatise of political economy that he published instead. My claim is that his defence of free competition as well as some of the arguments he opposes to it, and which have often puzzled his readers, actually reveal the moral agenda of his political economy and of some of his political principles, specifically his ambivalent position towards paternalism.


Author(s):  
Keith Tribe

This chapter looks at the historical understanding of political economy. It also describes the transformation of political economy as a general understanding of wealth and its distribution to a new science of economics. This transition can be linked to the expanding system of public education during the later end of the nineteenth century and the reorganisation of university life around teaching and research in modern subjects. The movement for wider access to higher education was associated with the formation of new university subjects in the humanities. Among these modern subjects, commerce and economics were prominent as new disciplines of study relevant to the modern world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (03) ◽  
pp. 351-367
Author(s):  
Deniz T. Kilinçoğlu

Otto Hübner’s (1818–1877) international bestseller introduction to political economy, Der kleine Volkswirth, appeared in Turkish in 1869 in two different editions. Two Ottoman officials translated the book into Turkish with different linguistic styles and pedagogical objectives. Beyond being an exceptional case in Ottoman-Turkish economic literature in this respect, the Hübner translations heralded the dawn of popular political economy in the Ottoman Empire. Economic literature before 1869 consisted of works written exclusively for the elite to introduce this new science as an instrument of state administration. Starting with the Hübner translations, we observe the burgeoning of a popular economic literature in the empire aiming at changing the economic mentality and behavior of the masses. This study is a comparative examination of the two Ottoman-Turkish translations of Der kleine Volkswirth in historical context.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia C. Klaver

IN THE PREFACE TO HER twenty-five volume series of novellas, Illustrations of Political Economy (1832–33), Harriet Martineau advertises her attempt to popularize the emergent science of political economy. However, at the same time that she justifies her plan to illustrate various principles of political economy through her use of narrative form, Martineau goes further, arguing for the global scope and significance of this contested and often misunderstood new science. Toward the close of her preface, she writes:


Nova Economia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 609-636
Author(s):  
Carlos Leonardo Kulnig Cinelli ◽  
Rogério Arthmar

Abstract: This paper reviews the debate between William Thompson and John Stuart Mill that happened at the London Co-operative Society in 1825 over the advantages of cooperation as against free competition. The general context of the controversy is provided by some historical background on British debating tradition within the working people. Next, the philosophical doctrines of Jeremy Bentham and Robert Owen are outlined as the main forces of social change in the 1820s, both of which would collide during the faceoff at the Co-operative Society. Following that, we examine William Thompson’s ideas on income distribution and the moral evils of competition. Lastly, we present John Mill’s approach to these same issues, showing that his basic conception of individual liberty did not change throughout his life, despite his late agreement with the economic benefits of cooperation. The final remarks stress the originality of the theoretical elements put forth in the debate.


The level of production from arable land and grassland is determined by the volume of labour and capital invested in the available agricultural land to exploit current technology. The levels of investment are influenced in turn by the levels of market prices and other institutional arrangements determined, inter alia , by the political economy of the common agricultural policy of the European Economic Community (E.E.C.) and of the individual policies of the Member States. The level of production in the United Kingdom will be influenced increasingly by the competitive strength of British agriculture within the E.E.C. as commodity price levels are gradually harmonized. The balance of arable and grassland production will, similarly, be determined by the relative advantages enjoyed by British farmers due to climatic, technological and institutional differences compared with E.E.C. competitors. The speed of development and application of new science and technology will thus be a major determinant of the level and efficiency of British agriculture during the next decade. This is the responsibility and the challenge which has to be accepted by those responsible for national research, development and advisory activities.


2002 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe Steiner

The Physiocrats “New Science” of Political Economy is often represented as unrelated to the pursuit of national power. A recent study (Fourquet 1989), which rests on the approaches of Fernand Braudel (1979) and Immanuel Wallerstein (1980), has radicalized the thesis already propounded by Edmond Silberner (1939) who claimed that Quesnay was profoundly ignorant of military matters and failed to understand the power struggles being played out on the seas and in the colonies. Did not Quesnay propose turning back to an agricultural economy, banishing industry, trade, and the navy—in short, all the active forces thanks to which Great Britain had snatched domination of the world economy from Holland and thanks to which she would prevent France from obtaining it?Yet this thesis is weak. It must be remembered that Quesnay's first economic writings date from 1756–57, that is to say a period when confrontation between France and England was at a peak, with the start of the Seven Years' War. How could an author who claims to de ne the economic government ofan agricultural nation ignore the military problems which were so crucial in this period? Even if he wanted to, how could he succeed in doing so once he came to deal with taxes and the highly sensitive question of finance? How could he make himself understood by his contemporaries with a political theory that set aside all the burning issues of the day? How could he find an audience among those developing the science of commerce who always accorded great importance to the pursuit of power?Under scrutiny the traditional thesis appears inaccurate. After recalling the writings of some of his contemporaries, whom Quesnay knew and read (section 1), I shall show that articles drafted between 1756 and 1757, like published or unpublished works which Mirabeau and Quesnay elaborated between 1757 and 1760, give significant room to the nation's military power, particularly when the economic government is in question (section 2). From the years 1763–64 the idea of a natural order does not lead Quesnay to neglect the pursuit of power (section 3). These links between power and wealth in the work of the founder of Physiocracy will lead finally to some remarks on political economy as a form of rationalization of politics.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthias Ebenau

This article engages critically with an emerging Brazilian research programme, ‘varieties of capitalism and development in Latin America’, a perspective which seeks to ascertain the institutional chances of, and limits to, the implementation of state-led ‘national development strategies’. Adopting a critical political economy viewpoint, the text discusses the deficiencies inherent in this perspective and its neoinstitutionalist and neodevelopmentalist fundamentals. In particular, it questions the vision of the world economy as an arena of free competition and that of the nation-state as a ‘collective actor’, both of which are politically and analytically problematic. These criticisms are substantiated through evidence drawn from a case analysis of the recent trajectory of the Argentinian neodevelopmentalist project.


Author(s):  
Lindsay Farmer

One of the most important and distinctive themes of Lacey’s recent work has been the analysis of penal practices from the perspective of political economy. However, it is arguably the case that ‘political economy’ is primarily viewed as a dimension of the context in which the criminal law develops rather than as a method of legal analysis. In this chapter I explore the meaning and critical potential of the concept of political economy—how it is used by Lacey, the different traditions that she draws on—and what the perspective and theory of political economy contributes to our understanding of criminal law. I seek to deepen the relevance of political economy to the analysis of criminal responsibility by exploring how the development of the modern conception of English criminal law in the early nineteenth century was itself shaped by contemporary understandings of political economy. Most historical work on the development of the modern criminal law has focused on the impact of utilitarianism to show how changes in penal laws and institutions were linked to new efforts to shape individual conduct in society. However, equally important to the intellectual and political culture of the early nineteenth century were understandings of the new ‘science’ of political economy. This chapter explores the ways in which theories of political economy shaped the modern criminal law in this period and thereby to open up new possibilities for exploring connections between criminal law, criminal responsibility, and political economy—and thus for critical criminal law theory.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Begoña Pérez Calle ◽  
José Luis Malo Guillén

In Mussolini’s Italy, the concept of Corporate Economics was developed for Economics. The new science was to be reborn within the corporatist-fascist machine, and to do so it was necessary to rework both principles and tools. This paper tries to explain that the result was heterogeneous and the forms of study of Corporate Economics ranged from the links with Political Science to the more rigorous Mathematical Economics. In terms of imperfect competition there was a frequent rejection of the situation of private monopoly, understanding a world of monopolies as the ultimate consequence of free competition, but there were also other positions that admited it. We will try to show the debate by taking a comparative tour and classifying these positions from the theoretical and from the social-moral spheres. We will also seek to view how, from both areas, the link with the Spanish tradition is perfectly appreciated. We can observe this in the ways of understanding imperfect competition within the Spanish corporativist essay. Apart from thought and ideology, the most rigorous theoretical framework for economic science of the time was also of Italian influence. Keywords: fascism, corporatism, economic science, imperfect competition, monopoly.


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