The political economy of our arable and grassland production

The level of production from arable land and grassland is determined by the volume of labour and capital invested in the available agricultural land to exploit current technology. The levels of investment are influenced in turn by the levels of market prices and other institutional arrangements determined, inter alia , by the political economy of the common agricultural policy of the European Economic Community (E.E.C.) and of the individual policies of the Member States. The level of production in the United Kingdom will be influenced increasingly by the competitive strength of British agriculture within the E.E.C. as commodity price levels are gradually harmonized. The balance of arable and grassland production will, similarly, be determined by the relative advantages enjoyed by British farmers due to climatic, technological and institutional differences compared with E.E.C. competitors. The speed of development and application of new science and technology will thus be a major determinant of the level and efficiency of British agriculture during the next decade. This is the responsibility and the challenge which has to be accepted by those responsible for national research, development and advisory activities.

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-36
Author(s):  
Ivan Takáč ◽  
Jarmila Lazíková

Abstract Rented land accounted for 53% of the total agricultural area at EU-27 level in 2009. Rented land as a proportion of total utilized agricultural area in Slovakia (UAA) is one of the highest (FADN, 2009). That is why land rent plays a very important role. Therefore, the Slovak law maker approved special legal regulation to stabilize the long-term rent of agricultural land. The paper analyses how these legal norms affect the behaviour of the land tenants doing their business activities in the agriculture. Within the paper, the development of the market farmland prices and farmland rental payments development with the administrative land prices and rental payments stipulated by the Slovak national law is analysed. Based on the research results we found out that prices of arable land have statistically significantly increased. In spite of these facts the market prices are still lower than their administrative prices(1) especially in the case of farmland of the highest quality. According to the results the rent payment for one hectare of land is not influenced by the minimum rent payment stipulated by law. Contrary, minimum rental period stipulated by law, legal forms of agricultural enterprises and quality of land have significant impact on the rental payments. The larger acreage of land of one agricultural businessman press down the land rent payments. The legal forms of enterprises as well as the land rent period belong to the dominant factors which influence the land rent payment. (1) Administrative price is a price of farmland stipulated by the law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Siyum A. Mamo ◽  
Abiot D. Habte

This paper provides a critical examination of the political economy of commercial agricultural land in Ethiopia, taking a case from the peripheral State of Gambella where the Anyuaa and the Nuer ethnic groups interact. Since 2002, the government of Ethiopia has pursued a controversial investment approach that promotes large-scale investment dominated by FDI while officially denouncing the current wave of the neoliberal economic discourse. Such investment ventures in the State of Gambella have put significant agricultural lands under a long-term lease to foreign developers. The central argument of this study lies in the point that, in a political economy avenue where practices contradict official state ideology, mechanized agricultural developments face failure beyond adverse social and ecological crises. Under the guise of the political economy of development where the state takes in hand the responsibility for playing a leadership role, private developers cannot easily find a space for leverage for making productive investments. Rather, such ventures as the case of Gambella tend to institute land alienation of the rural indigenous poor who are already marginalized because of their double-peripheral positions – a manifestation of South in the South. The consequence of both inter-group relations and the environment is catastrophic. The paper concludes that the influence of (trans)national companies on indigenous communities living especially in fragile environments continues to be disconcerting whereas the conflation of the neoliberal inspiration in the peripheral regions appears to be disguising while leaving the local environment and inter-group relations at stake. Thus, the Ethiopian government should recognize the contradiction between its official ideology and the investment practices in agricultural lands overtaken by (trans)national developers.


Author(s):  
Kamiar Mohaddes ◽  
Jeffrey B. Nugent ◽  
Hoda Selim

This volume aims to improve our understanding of the problems of macroeconomic management in oil-rich Arab economies. In doing so, it emphasizes the role of institutions and the political economy environment underlying them. Most importantly, it attempts to assess the effectiveness of these institutions in delivering macroeconomic stability and growth in the face of commodity price volatility, comparing actual practice in the Arab region with the budgeting procedures and countercyclical fiscal policies and rules shown to be successful in other parts of the world. The analysis here, however, goes considerably beyond that. It utilizes a political economy perspective to explain how budgeting and other fiscal policies are designed and implemented by political and administrative actors in ways that distinguish budget surpluses from deficits and pro-cyclicality from counter-cyclicality. Second, it includes monetary institutions and exchange rate regimes, and the interactions between both of these and both fiscal and political institutions.


2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 635-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
TIMOTHY FRYE ◽  
EDWARD D. MANSFIELD

Scholars and policy makers have displayed a longstanding interest in the politics of economic reform, particularly over the 1990s as former Communist countries struggled to develop market economies. Yet remarkably little systematic research has been conducted on the political economy of commercial reform in the post-Communist world. We argue that the fragmentation of power within post-Communist countries has been a potent force for trade liberalization. In non-democracies where political power is highly concentrated in the hands of a small group of elites, state leaders face few impediments to rent seeking and are well insulated from interests favouring commercial reform. In non-democracies where power is fragmented within the national government, however, new elites with weak ties to the old regime are well placed to use trade liberalization as a weapon against their political opponents. Moreover, the dispersion of power in non-democracies creates space for groups favouring free trade to promote trade liberalization. Finally, in democracies, the dispersion of power within the national government combined with electoral competition creates an especially potent impetus to trade liberalization. To assess these arguments, we analyse the trade policy of post-Communist countries during the period 1990–98. The results support our claims, highlighting the importance of examining institutional differences within as well as across regime types in analyses of economic policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 915-931
Author(s):  
Omar A. M. El-Joumayle ◽  
Bassam Yousif

AbstractThis article explores the challenges of redefining property rights for land, with application to monarchical Iraq from 1944 to 1958. We apply two processes in the analysis of economic institutions to study history: a puzzle-solving method at the micro level, with broader interest in the role of institutions in development and economic growth at the macro level. Thus, we explore the interaction between demanders and suppliers of land reform in the political market, focusing on the parliamentary influence of big landholders as an interest group. We conclude that despite increasing demand for land reform, politicians were able to supply quantitative change only, consisting of the allocation of newly arable land to landless cultivators, rather than the redistribution of existing assets or qualitative change. We analyse these findings in relation to our concern for the role of institutions in development. Our discussion uncovers key insights into Iraq's political economy and its institutions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 301-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mária Barančoková ◽  
Peter Barančok

AbstractThe growing development of settlements in mountainous areas and their sustainable development constantly requires new approaches to assess the land in terms of occurrence of landslides. The flysch zone, where the monitored area is located, is one of the most landslide prone areas in Slovakia. Landslides respond sensitively to the quality of the individual factors that form the landscape and to the change of natural conditions. Their occurrence is a geo-barrier that reduces or totally prevents the use of natural environment and negatively affects the life of population and territorial development. The reason for the increased hazard of landslides is not only demographic pressure on territories, but also its poor management. Consistent spatial planning addresses not only the spatial layout but also the functional use of the territory. Landslides represent one of the limits of land use. This study is based on the assessment of landsliding as a limit to possible territorial development. The input parameters for the assessment were elements of the current landscape structure (built up structure, forest stands, transitional woodland-shrubs, traditional agricultural land, permanent grasslands and arable land) and occurring landslides (active, potential and stabilized). On most of the determined elements of the landscape, landslides occur on about a quarter of their area. They have a smaller share only in areas of mixed forests, built up areas and have the smallest share on arable land. Potential landslides have the largest proportion on all landscape elements. They occupy the largest areas on coniferous forests (1578.93 ha) and on permanent grasslands (741.33 ha). By evaluating the overall endangerment of the area by landslides according to the degree of threat, we found that the greatest threat of landslides is in the Skalité and Svrčinovec cadastral areas, the smallest threat is in the Čadca cadastral area. In addition to the danger of landsliding in the individual elements of the landscape, we have also set limits for its development. Spatial planning limits have been divided into two categories according to the sectors they affect the most: limiting the development of an area assigned for residential building, or restricting the development of an area designed for agricultural and forestry purposes.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Pekka Sulkunen ◽  
Thomas F. Babor ◽  
Jenny Cisneros Örnberg ◽  
Michael Egerer ◽  
Matilda Hellman ◽  
...  

This chapter describes a public interest approach to gambling. Issues are approached from the perspective of what policies will best serve the public good, and minimize the individual and collective harms related to the activity. Public policy on gambling faces two problems. First, gambling produces public revenue which, simultaneously, generates costs due to gambling-related problems. Secondly, vested interests in gambling revenue can limit harm prevention efforts in the public interest. This perspective leads us to include in the analysis not only the game and the gambler but also the political economy of gambling. At both the individual and societal levels, scientific research on gambling and gambling policy can provide a valuable tool for the policymaker.


Author(s):  
Ebenezer Obadare

How should we think of development within an ideological format in which individual subjects are abstracted from the constraints and necessities of social policy and the political structure? Using this question as a spark, this article critically deconstructs the Pentecostal prosperity gospel in Africa. Two overlapping arguments are advanced. One is that, in atomising the individual, Pentecostal prosperity gospel discounts power relations and the political, effectively dislocating the individual believer from the social matrix within which his or her agency is forged. Secondly, it is suggested that this attitude towards both the individual and the state puts Pentecostalism firmly within the orbit of neoliberalism. This article leverages this affinity for an understanding of how neoliberal ideas and conceptions of wealth, accumulation and self-actualisation are embedded and reproduced in Pentecostalism. It concludes that, because, on the one hand, it has no lever – historical or philosophical – on which it might be grounded, and on the other hand, since it has developed no cogent political economy to speak of, prosperity gospel, nay Pentecostal spirituality, offers no realistic path out of the African economic crisis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Femi Abikanlu

The article examines the implementation and the challenges of the ongoing digital switchover (DSO) process in Nigeria. The critique of the neo-liberal orthodoxy presents the interplay of interests between political and corporate actors existing within the political economy of the Nigerian digital television environment. It also presents the effect of the existing complexities with the policy framework and approach to the implementation of the DSO process in Nigeria. The two qualitative research methods adopted in this study, communication policy analysis and in-depth interviews, examine the direction of policies and the individual experience of selected participants involved in the DSO process in Nigeria. Drawing on the analysis, inclusive of other factors, the study argues that the implementation of the DSO process in Nigeria has been delayed due to financial limitation, the exclusive approach to implementation and policy-burdened intervention of the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission (NBC).


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