WIN WIN's Struggles with the Institutional Transfer of the EMILY's List Model to Japan: The Role of Accountability and Policy

2011 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALISA GAUNDER

AbstractThis article addresses the complexities of institutional transfer by exploring the case of EMILY's List and WIN WIN, two women's organizations in the US and Japan respectively that seek to increase the number of women in office by providing funds early in candidates’ campaigns. Specifically, it asks why WIN WIN has struggled to successfully implement the EMILY's List model in Japan. This article argues that differing institutional environments and cultures have less explanatory power than decisions made at the organization level. In particular, while differences in the political funding regimes and so-called ‘cultures of giving’ exist, they do not necessarily preclude the success of an EMILY's List-type organization in Japan. Instead, WIN WIN made significant strategic organizational decisions that have impeded its ability to have a significant impact on female candidacy at the national level. Specifically, WIN WIN's lack of accountability to its members combined with its broader commitment to gender consciousness have limited its success.

Author(s):  
Sappho Xenakis ◽  
Leonidas K. Cheliotis

There is no shortage of scholarly and other research on the reciprocal relationship that inequality bears to crime, victimisation and contact with the criminal justice system, both in the specific United States context and beyond. Often, however, inequality has been studied in conjunction with only one of the three phenomena at issue, despite the intersections that arguably obtain between them–and, indeed, between their respective connections with inequality itself. There are, moreover, forms of inequality that have received far less attention in pertinent research than their prevalence and broader significance would appear to merit. The purpose of this chapter is dual: first, to identify ways in which inequality’s linkages to crime, victimisation and criminal justice may relate to one another; and second, to highlight the need for a greater focus than has been placed heretofore on the role of institutionalised inequality of access to the political process, particularly as this works to bias criminal justice policy-making towards the preferences of financially motivated state lobbying groups at the expense of disadvantaged racial minorities. In so doing, the chapter singles out for analysis the US case and, more specifically, engages with key extant explanations of the staggering rise in the use of imprisonment in the country since the 1970s.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 515-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khee Giap Tan ◽  
Mulya Amri ◽  
Nurina Merdikawati

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to propose a novel framework to measure ease of doing business (EDB) that undertakes a holistic approach incorporating three distinct environments: attractiveness to investors, business friendliness, and competitive policies (ABC). This is offered as an alternative to existing popular indicators of doing business (DB), allowing for better approximation of investment and economic growth at the sub-national level. Design/methodology/approach The proposed “EDB Index ABC” aggregates 74 indicators into five sub-environments, three environments, and ultimately into the overall EDB Index ABC. Values are standardised using the standardised score method. The framework is applied to 33 Indonesian provinces using a combination of primary data from surveying the business community and government departments as well as secondary data from formal government statistics. Findings The findings suggest a positive association between the proposed EDB Index ABC and competitiveness as well as investments into Indonesian provinces. In terms of explanatory power, attractiveness to investors and business friendliness seem to be stronger and more consistent, while the role of competitive policies is more ambiguous. Originality/value This research departs significantly from conventional approaches to the study of DB that tend to overwhelmingly focus on formal regulatory aspects by including macroeconomic factors such as market potential and infrastructure resilience as well as micro-level variables such as profitability and cost effectiveness, and the role of government in managing competition. Responding to calls for a bottom-up approach in understanding the EDB, the EDB Index ABC is applied to 33 Indonesian provinces.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 70-90
Author(s):  
I. E. Ibragimov

The features of the formation of the of the state explains the high level of interest in this scientific problem in the modern theory of international relations. The study of for eign policy identity is capable of providing an understanding of the policy-making activity of the state and its positioning in the international arena. The process of forming a foreign policy identity linked to both objective and subjective factors. The objective factors should be classified as geographical, historical, cultural and religious, the key subjective factors can be considered the role of a leader. This factor is standard for Middle Eastern states, especially for Egypt, where there are traditions of strong centralized powers. Egyptian leaders have supreme power in foreign policy decisions within the framework of the political system. Egypt's foreign policy is often determined by the personal character traits of the country's leaders. This article aims to study the role of the head of the Egypt in the search for foreign policy identity in the context of an identity crisis at the national level. Egypt has a long history of authoritarian rule, because it is impossible to separate national identity from foreign policy identity. Since its independent existence, each period with its own context established a different framework of identity and worldview for decision-makers in the field of Egypt`s foreign policy. The predominance of various elements in ideological as well as worldview in the age of the rule of a particular president has led to noticeable differences in Egypt's foreign policy at the current stage. This article attempts to answer the following research questions: What place does of the institute of the heads of State in foreign policy decisions? How leader's influence does determine the foreign policy role of the state? What changes in foreign policy priorities have taken place during the analysis period? What are the reasons for the differences between the main periods of Egypt's foreign policy in goals, tools and approaches to the outside world? The author comes to the conclusion that the change of the political leader plays an important role in the transformations of Egypt's foreign policy. The article analyzes the main trends in the foreign policy self-perception of Egypt in order to confirm the hypothesis that the foreign policy identity of Egypt had not evolved a discontinuity even in the conditions of dramatic events, whether it is the Arab-Israeli conflict, the Peace treaty with Israel or the events of the Arab Spring.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
F Mansab ◽  
S Bhatti ◽  
D Goyal

ABSTRACTIntroductionThe response to COVID-19 differs from nation to nation. There are likely a number of factors one can attribute to such disparity, not least of which is differing healthcare models and approaches. Here, we examine the COVID-19 community triage pathways employed by four nations, specifically comparing the safety and efficacy of national online ‘symptom checkers’ utilised within the triage pathway.MethodsA simulation study was conducted on current, nationwide, patient-led symptom checkers from four countries (Singapore, Japan, USA and UK). 52 cases were simulated to approximate typical COVID-19 presentations (mild, moderate, severe and critical), and COVID-19 mimickers (e.g. sepsis and bacterial pneumonia). The same simulations were applied to each of the four country’s symptom checkers, and the recommendations to refer on for medical care or to stay home were recorded and compared.ResultsThe symptom checkers from Singapore and Japan advised onward healthcare contact for the majority of simulations (88% and 77% respectively). The USA and UK symptom checkers triaged 38% and 44% of cases to healthcare contact, respectively. Both the US and UK symptom checkers consistently failed to identify severe COVID-19, bacterial pneumonia and sepsis, triaging such cases to stay home.ConclusionOur results suggest that whilst ‘symptom checkers’ may be of use to the healthcare COVID-19 response, there is the potential for such patient-led assessment tools to worsen outcomes by delaying appropriate clinical assessment. The key features of the well performing symptom checkers are discussed.SUMMARYWhat is already known?The availability and use of symptom checkers are increasing.Symptom checkers are currently in use at a national level to help in the healthcare response to COVID-19.There is limited evidence to support the effectiveness or safety of symptom checkers as triage tools during a pandemic response.What does this paper add?This study compares performance of symptom checkers across different countries, revealing marked variation between national symptom checkers.The symptom checkers employed by Japan and Singapore are twice as likely to triage cases onward for clinical assessment than those of the US or UK.The US and UK symptom checkers frequently triaged simulated cases of sepsis, bacterial pneumonia and severe COVID-19 to stay home with no further healthcare contact.We discuss the key aspects of the well-performing triage systems.


Author(s):  
Courtney Lewis

The practices of political sovereignty, such as nation building, and the achievement of a stable economy through practices of economic sovereignty are intimately intertwined— and the role of small-business diversity in creating this economic stability can be indispensable. Consequently, these relationships and the situational interdependence of government-owned corporations (e.g., gaming) and privately owned small businesses, especially in the case of the EBCI, are vital to supporting the practices of both political and economic sovereignty, especially when countering the effects of the US governments’ economic hegemony. Drawing on the economic anthropology literature helps to complicate notions of “per caps” (dividends) operating as universal basic income and guaranteed annual income on the national level while also expanding notions of entrepreneurial impacts, such as in the realm of cultural reclamation.


1987 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 10-13
Author(s):  
Charles O. Jones

Purpose: The following syllabus is designed to introduce students to public policymaking at the national level of government. As designed, this course has the following goals associated with the process, issues, and institutions of national policymaking:1.Acquaint students with the political dynamics of the policy process— with particular focus on policy networks: those persons from the departments or agencies, members of Congress and their staff, and interest groups who interact on specific policy issues.2.Introduce the complexities of the specific policy issues that form the national agenda (e.g., trade, agriculture, welfare, taxes).3.Emphasize the importance of political institutions and their formal procedures—with particular stress on the budget process and presidential agenda setting.


Author(s):  
Roberto Miranda

In December of 2001, due to the financial crisis, Argentina had to suspend external payments. The country started a frantic process of abandonment of default thereafter. Research about the causes, processes, and mechanisms of the crisis has been focused on economic issues. The present work instead considers international politics. The aim of the paper is to analyze the role of the United Sates in the restructuring of Argentina’s debt. We consider the reasons, conditions, and actions developed by the hegemonic power in the relationship between Argentina and its creditors. We specially emphasize the political role played by the US government, a position that the US administration had no intention to assume neither before the debacle nor after the crisis started. We conclude that, despite the fact that Argentina has overcome the most difficult part of its default, the episode made evident, once more, the strong Argentine dependence towards the United States.


Author(s):  
Yury G. Golub ◽  
◽  
Sergei Y. Shenin ◽  

The article is devoted to the analysis of the political, scientific and practical activities of the director of the Kennan Institute, Matthew Rojanski. In the context of the statements of the Biden administration on the need to de-escalate US-Russian relations and taking into account the attempt to appoint Rozhansky to the post of Russia Director on the US National Security Council, the evolution of his worldview, the system of views on the modern world order, the role of Russia in the contemporary world and nature of relations between Washington and Moscow are considered. It is concluded that Rojanski’s foreign policy views are close to the liberal-universalist ideology of the progressive grouping in the Democratic Party.


Author(s):  
Patrick Cairns

Subject area of the teaching case: The values-based leadership (VBL) themes lend the case to use in courses focussed on individual leadership approaches, personal-professional development, personal mastery, or individual agency in social change and social justice movements. The emerging market context adds a layer of complexity to the protagonist's journey, which may make the case especially relevant for use among students who work in this context or in courses that deal with volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity (VUCA). Student level: The primary target audience for this case is postgraduate students in a management or professional development program. Brief overview of the teaching case: This case offers a leadership profile of lawyer Fadzayi Mahere as she pursues social change at the national level by running for political office in Zimbabwe in 2018. The case recounts Mahere's professional journey through human rights law and local activism, which eventually drives her to run as an independent for a position in the national election. She does this as a response to the dire state of the country: economic crisis, social instability, and political corruption that are making life increasingly untenable for most people. In spite of running a strong grassroots campaign, Mahere loses the election and is faced with the dilemma of whether or not to forego independence and join the dominant opposition party. The case therefore centres around the role of values in leadership, the role of narrative in shaping the decision to lead, and how these things impact a leader's strategy for affecting social change and achieving social justice. Expected learning outcomes: Appreciate the systemic nature of social problems in an emerging market context and how this creates different opportunities for a leader to act on a problem Understand how a leader's identity, in terms of values and experiences, shapes their motivations and informs their strategy for leading a change effort Understand the dimensions of values-based leadership (VBL) – transformational, authentic, accountability, and ethical leadership – and how the actions of a values-driven leader reflect these Identify the mechanisms that aspiring leaders practicing VBL can use to build an authentic narrative for key stakeholders to accept and embrace them Recognise the different strategies a leader can adopt to achieve values-driven outcomes, while maintaining alignment with the different dimensions of VBL


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
René Scholz

Challenges in the European energy sector have become so extensive that they cannot be met purely on a national level, but require joint multi-directional European solutions. Complex structures and procedures involving diverse administrative elements and networks have thus emerged, through which a cooperative EU administrative body on energy frames both the political decision-making and legislative action of the Union in this respect, as well as legal implementation as such. This book examines these structures and multilevel cooperation, and the role of supranational and national energy actors, from the standpoint and as an example of European administrative integration. It offers a comprehensive view of EU energy administration, highlights efficiency failings in this regard and points to potential ways of optimising the achievement of European Union energy policy goals.


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