Ethnicity and Child Poverty under New Labour: A Research Review

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 551-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viet-Hai Phung

This review article explores the evidence on child poverty rates amongst different ethnic groups in the UK. The Labour Government aims to end child poverty by 2020. Its strategy rests on improving employability, making work pay and expanding childcare provision. But child poverty rates among ethnic minorities are higher than among white people, which suggests that policies to reduce these have been ineffectual. The factors underlying this differential include labour market disadvantage, insensitive mainstream services and the language barriers that may cause low take-up of services, benefits and tax credits. The article concludes by suggesting a number of policy strategies that government could take to reduce the levels of child poverty amongst ethnic minorities.

Author(s):  
Alex Balch

This chapter first charts the short history from the early anti-trafficking strategy put in place by the Labour government in 2007 through the changes and reorganisations of the subsequent 10 years, including the launch of the modern slavery strategy in 2015 under then Home Secretary May. While focusing on the impacts felt by workers in the UK, it also takes into account the position adopted by the UK in relation to international frameworks. The second section then focuses on the importance and potential impact of the creation of the most recent governance and enforcement structures — for example, the Director of Labour Market Enforcement and the evolution of the Gangmasters Licensing Authority (GLA). As of May 2017, the GLA was rebranded as the Gangmasters and Labour Abuse Authority and has new powers to investigate serious exploitation across the whole UK labour market. The third section asks how we can best assess and evaluate the effectiveness of the modern slavery agenda.


Author(s):  
Aljoša Šestanović ◽  
Fayyaz Hussain Qureshi ◽  
Sarwar Khawaja

This paper aims to analyse the economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on ethnic minorities. The focus is on ethnic minorities in London, particularly before and during the Covid-19 pandemic. We investigated the discriminatory practices towards ethnic minorities in the economic downturn caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. These are primarily related to the labour market and the sectors and occupations most affected by the pandemic. We used Government data on the UK's different ethnic groups and the London Datastore, an open data-sharing portal. We also reviewed the empirical literature in economics on discrimination in the labour market before and during the pandemic. The adverse effects of the pandemic have been much more severe in economic downturns than during more stable economic times. We found that, before and during the Covid-19 pandemic, there have been persistent differences in particular economic aspects between ethnic minorities and white men and women. Over the past decade, ethnic minorities in the UK have made progress in the median pay gap, employment gap and unemployment rates. However, ethnic minorities in London have faced more challenges than those in other parts of the UK. In addition, during the Covid-19 pandemic, unemployment rates were much higher for ethnic minorities than they were for whites. JEL: H12; H50; H83; I10 <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0965/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>


Author(s):  
Joshua T. McCabe

Chapter 6 looks at how the National Commission on Children brought attention to the problem of child poverty in the US, leading to the expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit in 1993 and the introduction of the nonrefundable Child Tax Credit in 1997. In contrast to the cases of Canada and the UK, the growth of these tax credits, tracing their legacy to the dependent exemption in the tax system, was premised on the logic of tax relief rather than the logic of income supplementation. Originally, the National Commission on Children released recommendations for a fully refundable Child Tax Credit as the best way to tackle child poverty. This served as a successful springboard in Canada and the UK. This was not the case in the US, where the logic of tax relief remained dominant. Initial attempts to introduce a fully refundable Child Tax Credit quickly failed. Policymakers and the public deemed poor children undeserving of tax credits because their parents were not technically taxpayers.


2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 625-647 ◽  
Author(s):  
HORACIO LEVY ◽  
CHRISTINE LIETZ ◽  
HOLLY SUTHERLAND

AbstractThree European countries with very different tax-benefit systems have recently substantially increased the level of support for children: Austria, Spain and the UK. Austria mainly makes use of universal benefits; Spain, tax concessions; and the UK means-tested benefits and tax credits. This article addresses the question of whether the chosen strategies are in fact the most effective for each country. It considers what would have happened if these countries had transformed the architecture of their systems in either of the other two directions. It makes use of EUROMOD, the European tax-benefit microsimulation model that is designed for making cross-country comparisons, to explore the distributional and, in particular, child poverty effects of budget-neutral alternatives. The results show that three factors – the level of spending, its structure, and the way it impacts in a particular national context – affect the outcomes to varying degrees.


Blood ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 114 (22) ◽  
pp. 1781-1781
Author(s):  
Holger W Auner ◽  
Hilda Owiti ◽  
Chrissy Giles ◽  
Jiri Pavlu ◽  
Donald MacDonald ◽  
...  

Abstract Abstract 1781 Poster Board I-807 Previous studies have shown that ethnic differences exist in the treatment of a number of malignant diseases, with non-white ethnic minorities frequently receiving suboptimal care. High-dose chemotherapy and autologous stem cell transplantation (ASCT) became the standard of care for most patients with multiple myeloma (MM) under the age of 65 and some older patients in the early 1990s. In this study, we investigated whether patients from ethnic minorities have had appropriate access to ASCT for the treatment of MM in a large, multiethnic, equal access healthcare provision area in the UK. Hammersmith Hospital (HH) is a tertiary referral centre for SCT for the Northwest London catchment area with a population of 1.732.020 in 2001 according to the last UK Census (65.5% Whites, 19.9% Asians, 8.8% Blacks, and 5.8% others). All patients diagnosed with haematological malignancies within the catchment area who are considered eligible for SCT are referred to HH from primary or secondary healthcare providers. A Cancer Research UK/National Cancer Intelligence Network report 2002-2006 has shown ethnicity-specific MM incidence rate ratios of 1.89-2.86 (upper and lower 95%CI) for Blacks and 0.82-1.02 for Asians relative to Whites (1.0) in the UK. Considering the 2001 ethnic distribution in the catchment area, this means that the ratio of MM patients expected to undergo ASCT at HH would be 0.25-0.38 for Blacks and 0.22-0.31 for Asians relative to Whites. Between 1994 and 2008, 311 MM patients received a planned single ASCT at HH as standard post-induction therapy. Of those, 235 were White, 47 were Black, and 29 were Asian. There were no differences between the ethnic groups in terms of age, time from diagnosis to ASCT, or remission status at the time of the transplant. IgA myeloma was significantly (p=0.007) more frequent in Whites (24%) than in Asians (10%) and Blacks (6%). Thus, the ethnic ratio of MM patients who actually received ASCT at HH was 0.2 for Blacks and 0.12 for Asians relative to Whites, indicating an under-representation of ethnic minorities. We next analysed the ethnicity-specific treatment ratios observed over three 5-year periods (94-98, 99-03, and 04-08) and found that the ratio of Blacks undergoing ASCT had been gradually increasing, and was reaching the lower end of the expected rate in the most recent 5-year period (0.13, 0.18, and 0.25). Asians had been dramatically under-represented in the first 5-year period and were still slightly outside the expected ratio in the last (0.03, 0.12, and 0.19). When we analysed the outcome of treatment, there was no significant difference between the ethnic groups in terms of overall survival from diagnosis or from the time of ASCT. Although these data have been gathered in one healthcare provision area only, they indicate that MM patients from ethnic minorities may not have had appropriate access to ASCT in the UK particularly in the early years of this treatment becoming a standard of care. Further studies are needed to determine whether ethnic minorities are generally at risk not to receive new standards of care for haematological diseases and whether patient- or healthcare provider-based factors are responsible for ethnic disparities. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.


Author(s):  
Joshua T. McCabe

Chapter 5 examines how in the UK the Blair government’s promise to end child poverty translated into the introduction of the Working Families Tax Credit in 1998, which was subsequently split into the Working Tax Credit and the Child Tax Credit in 2001. The UK follows the Canadian case in terms of tracing the dominant logic of income supplementation to the cultural legacy of family allowances and ends up with the same combination of refundable tax credits. When the Labour government reached the limits of income-testing, the Treasury quietly turned to fiscalization as the solution to expand benefits in the face of pressures for austerity. The Family Income Supplement was simply converted into the Working Families Tax Credit. While its predecessor had been classified as spending, the Working Families Tax Credit was classified as revenues not collected. The limits of fiscalization were soon tested, as the Office of National Statistics called the government’s reclassification into question.


2010 ◽  
Vol 30 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 127-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noel Smith

PurposeThe paper aims to compare applied social policy approaches to child poverty and economic inequality, the latter being mainly operationalised in the UK in terms of social mobility.Design/methodology/approachThe paper considers the theoretical stance underpinning New Labour's approach towards social policy, with particular reference to “individualisation”, and reviews Government strategies towards tackling poverty and economic inequality.FindingsDespite a decade of unprecedented investment, there is an impasse in reducing child poverty and economic inequality has increased. Policy now relies on education as being the clinching factor to break this impasse. Education is vital but education alone will not tip the balance in eradicating poverty. The assumption that education will facilitate social mobility, by serving to position the UK at the high end of the global labour market, fails to address the prevalence of the “low‐pay‐no‐pay” cycle associated with the flexible labour market. Further measures are necessary to ensure that the labour market accommodates the needs of those entering it.Originality/valueThe paper shows that, given the failure of current social policy to address poverty and inequality, especially given that post‐recession conditions are likely to be less favourable than in the last decade, there is an urgent need for bold, new policy thinking. Pinning all hopes on education – and seeing solutions only in terms of individuals' skills and aspirations, without critical consideration of the nature of the labour market – cannot be accepted as the best way forward.


Author(s):  
Nguyen Duy Dung

New rural construction is one of the key tasks identified by the Party and State as the national target program until 2020. Many documents of the Party and the State have been issued expressing political will to implement the tasks of building new rural areas, over 6 years of implementation, the National Target Program for new rural construction has achieved certain achievements, the appearance of rural areas of ethnic minorities and mountainous areas has gradually changed dramatically, contributing significantly to promoting socio-economic and cultural development. Many provinces and cities throughout the whole country have built some new rural models that meet nineteen criterias and arrive on time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Duy Dung

The Central Highlands is an area with a large community of ethnic minorities to be living. In the process of integration into the world economy, community tourism are one of the economic sectors that are interested in developing in our country in general and the Central Highlands area in particular.Although the activity has not been long, but it can be said that tourism and community tourism are the basis and premise to contribute to the socio-economic development of the Central Highlands; contribute to restoring many traditional cultural values of ethnic groups. For a variety of subjective and objective reasons, tourism activity and community tourism have affected ethnic lifestyles, customs and culture in both positive and limited ways. This is an issue that needs to be considered for research, with practical implications for sustainable tourism activities to create momentum for economic development and cultural preservation of ethnic groups in the Central Highlands area in the period of accelerating industrialization, nationalization and international economic integration.


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