Taxing the Poor: Incarceration, Poverty Governance, and the Seizure of Family Resources

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 638-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Fainsod Katzenstein ◽  
Maureen R. Waller

In the last decades, the American state has radically enlarged the array of policy instruments utilized in today’s governance of the poor. Most recently, through a process of outright “seizure,” the state now exacts revenue from low-income families, partners, and friends of those individuals who in very large numbers cycle in and out of the nation’s courts, jails, and prisons. In an analysis of legislation, judicial cases, policy regulations, blog, chat-line postings, and survey data, we explore this new form of taxation. In doing so, we endeavor to meet two objectives: The first is to document policies which pressure individuals (mostly men) entangled in the court and prison systems to rely on family members and others (mostly women) who serve as the safety net of last resort. Our second objective is to give voice to an argument not yet well explored in the sizeable incarceration literature: that the government is seizing resources from low-income families to help finance the state’s own coffers, including the institutions of the carceral state itself. Until now, no form of poverty governance has been depicted as so baldly drawing on family financial support under the pressure of punishment to extract cash resources from the poor. This practice of seizure constitutes the very inversion of welfare for the poor. Instead of serving as a source of support and protection for poor families, the state saps resources from indigent families of loved ones in the criminal justice system in order to fund the state’s project of poverty governance.

Author(s):  
Qin Gao

Chapter 2 tracks the background, inception, and development stages of Dibao. Dibao has undergone significant expansions and has impacted the lives of millions of low-income families. The chapter shows that, throughout its development, Dibao has been shaped by economic and political forces and has remained true to its dual functions of serving as a safety net to the poor and maintaining social control and political stability. A constant struggle in Dibao has been addressing the fundamental questions of how to conduct means testing, and how to determine benefits eligibility most effectively and achieve the program’s intended goal of serving as a safety net for the truly poor. Such challenges are embedded in Dibao’s dilemma between central regulation and local implementation and will continue in its future development.


1981 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-15
Author(s):  
Phillipa Smith

This article examines some of the policies and assumptions behind the government’s fiscal policies and family support.The responsibility for dependent children has become lost in a ‘no mans land’ somewhere between the wages system, the government, and the family itself.Of particular concern is the erosion of the real value of income, allowance and other support (eg. child care, refuges etc.) for poor families. Alongside the government’s oft quoted concern for the needy has been the actual fall in wellbeing of those most in need (eg. single parents, the unemployed, low income families) while other more traditional family notions have been supported (eg. dependent spouse rebate). In some instances this redistribution has occurred through active policies (eg. family allowances) while in other cases they have come about by ‘non policies’ (eg. failure to index allowances for single parents).


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-39
Author(s):  
V. N. Mironova

The subject of the research is demographic processes reflected in the population dynamics and fertility and mortality indices as well as the state of migration that might compensate for the natural population decline. The purposes of the research were to reveal the main threats to the economic security of the country due to ill-timed resolution of demographic problems and propose measures to overcome the negative trends. The research was based on studying the demographic processes in Russia and a number of other countries to make sure the country is in the mainstream of the changes taking place in developed economies. However, there are certain deviations in a number of indices demonstrating a demographic crisis that has not been overcome and tends to aggravate. The research makes it clear that the demographic situation in Russia has been gradually deteriorating alternating with short periods of improvement of demographic indicators. It has been established that the state demographic policy is the most important mechanism to combat the demographic crisis, providing other relevant conditions are observed. In furtherance of the above-mentioned, the Concept of the Demographic Policy developed under the Presidential Decree of May 2018 was examined. It is noted that based on political decisions, tools are being developed to mitigate the emerging threats to the national economic security. It is concluded that the importance of numerous measures taken periodically by the government including substantial financial injections to support fertility and overcome high mortality rates cannot be overestimated. Along with that, current demographic problems cannot be solved only by financial support of low-income families, hence a well-thoughtout system approach is required. Fragmentary measures to improve the demographic situation in the country can yield a temporary positive effect but are unable to change the situation totally.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009614422198997
Author(s):  
Marianna Charitonidou

The article presents the reasons for which the issue of providing housing to low-income citizens has been a real challenge in Addis Ababa during the recent years and will continue to be, given that its population is growing extremely fast. It examines the tensions between the universal aspirations and the local realities in the case of some of Ethiopia’s most ambitious mass pro-poor housing schemes, such as the “Addis Ababa Grand Housing Program” (AAGHP), which was launched in 2004 and was integrated in the “Integrated Housing Development Program” (IHDP) in 2006. The article argues that the quotidian practices of communities and their socio-economic and cultural characteristics are related to the spatial attributes of co-housing practices. Drawing upon the idea that there is a mutual correspondence between social and spatial structures, it places particular emphasis on the analysis of the IHDP and aims to show that to shape strategies that take into account the social and cultural aspects of daily life of the poor citizens of Addis Ababa, it is pivotal to invite them to take part in the decision-making processes regarding their resettlement. Departing from the fact that a large percentage of the housing supply in Addis Ababa consists of informal unplanned housing, the article also compares the commoning practices in kebele houses and condominium units. The former refers to the legal informal housing units owned by the government and rented to their dwellers, whereas the latter concerns the housing blocks built in the framework of the IHDP for the resettlement of the kebele dwellers. The article analyzes these processes of resettlement, shedding light of the fact that kebele houses were located at the inner city, whereas the condominiums are located in the suburbs. Despite the fact that the living conditions in the condominium units are of a much higher quality than those in the kebele houses, their design underestimated or even neglected the role of the commoning practices. The article highlights the advantages of commoning practices in architecture and urban planning, and how the implementation of participation-oriented solutions can respond to the difficulties of providing housing. It argues that understanding the significance of the endeavors that take into account the opinions of dwellers during the phase of decision-making goes hand in hand with considering commoning practices as a source of architecture and urban planning frameworks for low-cost housing in this specific context. The key argument of the article is that urban planning and architecture solutions in Addis Ababa should be based on the principles of the so-called “negotiated planning” approach, which implies a close analysis of the interconnections between planning, infrastructure, and land.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Lia Muliana ◽  
Mursyidin Mursyidin ◽  
Muharriyanti Siregar

The Family Hope Program (PKH) is a conditional cash transfer program for low-income families. The requirement is to be actively involved in education and health. The Family Hope Program in Indonesia was implemented in 2007 to alleviate poverty and prosper low-income families. The research and writing of this journal aim to determine the impact of PKH on family welfare and see if there is a reduction in poverty after the government realizes the Family Hope Program. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. The study results indicate that the impact of PKH on beneficiary families, including the cash provided, can meet consumption or family needs and help the economy of PKH recipient families. The implementation of the program can reduce poverty in Aceh. The percentage of the poverty rate fell to 0.02%. The limitation of the research is the impact of PKH on family welfare and wants to examine whether there is a decrease in the percentage of poverty in Aceh or Aceh Barat. The practical implication of this research is to provide information to the government that PKH can improve the welfare of low-income families. The social significance is to give the government and the general public that the implementation of social assistance programs, one of which is the Family Hope Program, can reduce poverty rates in Aceh or West Aceh. The originality of the research is supported by previous research related to the author’s research study.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (32) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jumi Herlita

Zakat and taxes are two important sources of funding for the state. Both function to solve economic problems and reduce poverty in the community. But in reality the function of zakat and tax can not be optimal. BAZNAS and LAZ as an extension of the government in managing zakat can not be maximized in the collection of zakat funds as well as taxes. Although the nature of the tax is not specific to the poor, but also to the rich, but in fact the existence of taxes have not been able to solve poverty in Indonesia. Therefore it is necessary solution to synergize zakat and tax in order to increase zakat and tax collection. With bersinerginya zakat and taxes are expected to increase public awareness to pay zakat and taxes that can eventually be used to reduce poverty.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiong Qu (熊曲) ◽  
Song Shaohua (宋少華)

This paper reconstructs two documents from the Three Kingdoms state of Wu unearthed at Zoumalou, Changsha, based on archaeological information as well as the form and contents of the excavated slips and tablets. The documents are registers of the state loaning seed grain to commoners: one type are “registers of grain loans,” while the other are “registers of seed grain loans from the Jiahe 3rd year.” Based on this reconstruction, we show that the standard unit to which the government loaned seed was the household, that the purpose was emergency relief of the poor, and that people received more grain than they needed for seed and were then able to eat some of it. 根據考古信息、簡牘形制及其內容,本文嘗試復原了走馬樓吳簡中的兩個官府種糧給貸簿書——出禾給貸簿和嘉禾三年種糧給貸簿。并由此認爲,官府借貸種糧以一户爲標準,以救濟貧民爲目的,但種糧的用途除了耕種外,也會用於口糧。


Author(s):  
George Kent

This chapter challenges the uncritical pursuit of food self-sufficiency that has been rationalized as increasing the state’s preparedness against shipping disruption. It argues that this effort might increase food’s cost, and reiterates the point that local food is not necessarily fair as low-income consumers could be sidelined in the push for food localization. In contrast to the enthusiasm for promoting agriculture and local food production in the state, relatively little has been done in addressing food insecurity of the poor, especially by the state government. Food democracy needs to consider food security for all—particularly the poor and the marginalized.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-40
Author(s):  
Charleen Chiong

Much Anglo-American and European literature describes relations between low-income groups and public sector institutions as characterised by disenfranchisement and distance ‐ particularly within critiques of neoliberal policies and imaginaries. This article draws on in-depth interviews with 12 low-income families to explore why there are unexpectedly close home‐school relations in Singapore. Three reasons grounded in families’ perceptions of the state and school are elucidated: (1) competence ‐ of the Singapore state and its teachers in preparing children for success; (2) care ‐ of the state and teachers towards children’s wellbeing; and (3) communication ‐ frequent dialogue resulting in collaborative childrearing approaches between home and school. However, while these can contribute to close, collaborative home‐school relations, the wider politics and power dynamics of these relations ‐ as well as their effects on families’ lives ‐ is worth further unpacking.


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