scholarly journals Non-Party Government: Bipartisan Lawmaking and Party Power in Congress

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
James M. Curry ◽  
Frances E. Lee

Majority leaders of the contemporary Congress preside over parties that are more cohesive than at any point in the modern era, and power has been centralized in party leadership offices. Do today’s majority parties succeed in enacting their legislative agendas to a greater extent than the less-cohesive parties of earlier eras? To address this question, we examine votes on all laws enacted from 1973–2016, as well as on the subset of landmark laws identified by Mayhew. In addition, we analyze the efforts of congressional majority parties to pass their agendas from 1985 to 2016. We find that enacting coalitions in recent congresses are nearly as bipartisan as they were in the 1970s. Most laws, including landmark enactments, continue to garner substantial bipartisan support. Furthermore, majority parties have not gotten better at passing their legislative programs. Contemporary congressional majorities actually fail on their agenda items at somewhat higher rates than the less-cohesive majority parties of the 1980s and 1990s. When majority parties succeed on their agenda priorities, they usually do so with support from a majority of the minority party in at least one chamber and with the endorsement of one or more of the minority party’s top leaders.

2005 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT MASON

Richard Nixon gained a poor reputation as President for his work as leader of the Republican Party. His attitude towards the party was seen as neglectful at best, destructive at worst. It was clear that Nixon revelled in the details of electoral politics as far as his own position was concerned, but it seemed equally clear that he had little concern for the political fortunes of his party at large. Among the most partisan of American politicians during his earlier career, Nixon seemed to shrug off this partisan past when he reached the White House in 1969. But this understanding of Nixon's relationship with the Republican Party is in some respects misleading. Although it is true that his record provides significant examples of presidential neglect of the party, it also contains equally significant examples of presidential concern about the party's future. Few American Presidents of the modern era paid much attention to their responsibility for party leadership, so the nature of Nixon's support for the Republicans distinguishes him as a party leader of notable strength rather than notable weakness.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahiman Dani ◽  
Qolbi Khoiri

This paper aims to reveal and explain the dynamics of Islamic boarding school kiyai in relation to national politics and review the repositioning of the role of the kyai in the dynamics of national politics. Although there have been many analyzes regardingthe role of the kyai, the fact is that the ups and downs of the pesantren's kiyai position are increasingly visible. This can be proven by the practical involvement of the kyai in politics so that it has an impact on the existence of the pesantren education institutions that they manage. The results of the author's analysis illustrate that it is time for the kiyai to return to their central role as the main figure in the management of pesantren, this is important to do so that the existence of pesantren inthe modern era is maintained and focuses on reformulation of the bastion of morals and morals of the ummah which is increasingly worrying. The reformulation that the author offers is through the internalization and adaptation of modern civilization for kyai and focuses on improvements in educational institutions, both in the fields of economy, socio-culture, and technology.


Author(s):  
Mark Knights

The book offers the first overview of Britain’s history of corruption in office in the pre-modern era, 1600–1850. As such, it is intended to appeal to historians but also to political and social scientists, whose work is extensively cited in an expansive and evaluative bibliography. Another distinctive feature of the book is the interaction of the domestic and imperial stories of corruption in office—a key argument is that these were intertwined and related. Linking corruption in office to the domestic and imperial state has not been attempted before, and the book makes extensive use of material relating to the East India Company as well as other colonial officials in the Atlantic world and elsewhere in Britain’s emerging empire. Both ‘corruption’ and ‘office’ were evolving concepts during the period 1600–1850 and underwent very significant but protracted change which the book charts and seeks to explain. To do so, the book makes innovative use of the concept of trust, which helped to shape office in ways that underlined principles of selflessness, disinterestedness, integrity, and accountability of officials. The reader’s report suggested that ‘no historian of this long period can afford to ignore the book, and it will certainly appeal to a large readership not only among historians of Britain and its empire but among political scientists more generally’. There is a brief concluding section highlighting policy implications.


Liars ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 89-105
Author(s):  
Cass R. Sunstein

Can people protect their reputations? What if someone is circulating vicious lies about them? The US Supreme Court has given broad protection to libelous statements, saying that it must do so in order to allow “breathing space” for free speech. That idea is a cornerstone of the law of free speech. But in the modern era, and in light of the potentially devastating effects of falsehoods on individual lives and democracy itself, constitutional law should be updated. People should be allowed to demand retractions when they have been libeled, and they should also be able to obtain at least a modest amount of compensation. Much more needs to be done to allow people to protect their good name.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
S. Parker ◽  
S. Omar ◽  
O. H. Mahomed

Introduction: Hajj (pilgrimage), the fifth pillar of Islam, is obligatory for every Muslim, male or female, provided that he/she is physically and financially able to do so, at least once in his/her lifetime. One of the rituals of Hajj requires the absence of menstruation. In the current modern era, many females utilise oral contraception to manipulate their menstrual cycle so that the pilgrim can be menses free during the main rituals of Hajj. However, many such females are at risk of breakthrough bleeding. Very little information has been documented concerning the incidence of menstrual cycle abnormalities amongst female Hajj pilgrims in general and South African pilgrims in particular. This study aims to determine the incidence of menstrual cycle abnormalities amongst South African female Hajj pilgrims and the potential factors that predispose to them.Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted amongst South African female pilgrims during the five-day Hajj period. South Africa is usually limited to 5 000 pilgrims annually with a 50:50 gender split. For most of the five days of Hajj, pilgrims, separated by gender, are housed in special tents. Data were collected using an anonymous self-administered questionnaire. The questionnaires were distributed amongst the ladies’ tents in Mina on the last day of Hajj by nursing sisters attached to the South African medical mission. A total of 470 South African female pilgrims participated in the study with 147 excluded as they were either postmenopausal or had had hysterectomies, resulting in a sample size of 323.Results: Of the 318 participants who responded to the question about hormonal menstrual manipulation (HMM), 195 (61%) attempted this and 123 (39%) did not. Of the 308 participants who responded to the question concerning menstrual cycle problems (MCP), 54 (18%) had problems and 254 (82%) did not. Of the 189 participants who attempted HMM and answered the question on MCP, 44/189 (23%) had MCP, whilst 10/108 (9%) of those who did not attempt HMM had MCP. The OR for MCP was 2.97 (CI 1.46–6.04) if HMM was attempted compared with no HMM attempt.Conclusion: Menstrual irregularities occurred more frequently in those who attempt hormonal menstrual manipulation compared with those who do not. Health education on this issue should be integrated into the pre-Hajj classes.


Author(s):  
Charles Larmore

‘Right’ and ‘good’ are the two basic terms of moral evaluation. In general, something is ‘right’ if it is morally obligatory, whereas it is morally ‘good’ if it is worth having or doing and enhances the life of those who possess it. Acts are often held to be morally right or wrong in respect of the action performed, but morally good or bad in virtue of their motive: it is right to help a person in distress, but good to do so from a sense of duty or sympathy, since no one can supposedly be obliged to do something (such as acting with a certain motive) which cannot be done at will. Henry Sidgwick distinguished between two basic conceptions of morality. The ‘attractive’ conception, favoured by the ancient Greeks, views the good as fundamental, and grounds the claims of morality in the self-perfection to which we naturally aspire. The ‘imperative’ conception, preferred in the modern era, views the right as fundamental, and holds that we are subject to certain obligations whatever our wants or desires.


Author(s):  
Ian Loveland

This chapter examines the procedural grounds of judicial review. It discusses how the courts have used the procedural fairness doctrine by reviewing a number of leading cases to identify the values that appear to be shaping the content of the law. The analysis focuses on case law drawn from the ‘modern’ (ie post-1960) era, but several seminal decisions from earlier periods are also considered. The concept of procedural fairness has generated a vast body of case law in the modern era and will continue to do so in future. But the law on this point, even when seen in conjunction with the law relating to the traditional substantive grounds on which government action can be held unlawful, offers only a partial picture of the way in which administrative law fits into the broader constitutional principles of the rule of law and the sovereignty of Parliament.


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