PERSONALITY AND IDEOLOGY AS DETERMINANTS OF CANDIDATE PREFERENCES AND “OBAMA CONVERSION” IN THE 2008 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Jost ◽  
Tessa V. West ◽  
Samuel D. Gosling

AbstractWe conducted a longitudinal study involving 734 college students over a three-month period that included the 2008 U.S. presidential election. The study investigated factors such as respondents' personality characteristics and ideological proclivities in predicting perceptions of the major candidates and both stability and change in voting preferences for Barack Obama and John McCain. Previous research on personality and political orientation suggests that Openness to New Experiences is positively associated with liberal political preferences, whereas Conscientiousness is positively associated with conservative preferences; we replicated these results in the context of the current study. Several ideological factors also predicted conversion to Obama's candidacy. These included respondents' degree of self-reported liberalism, perceptions of their parents as liberal (versus conservative), and lower scores on measures of authoritarianism and political system justification (i.e., support for the prevailing system of electoral politics and government). The effects of Openness and Conscientiousness on candidate preferences were statistically mediated by ideological variables, providing further evidence that general predispositions exist that link personality and political orientation, and these are likely to play a significant role in electoral politics. Implications for the integration of “top-down” (institutional) and “bottom-up” (psychological) approaches to the study of political behavior are discussed.

Subject France's new government. Significance President Francois Hollande has kept Prime Minister Manuel Valls and Economy Minister Emmanuel Macron while letting Green party members back into government. The change appears more a matter of electoral politics than substance: it tries to cement a coalition on the left to help Hollande pass the first round of the 2017 presidential election without altering the government's economic or political orientation. Such a tactical manoeuvre is neither likely to allow France to exit its current predicament nor Hollande to recover from his deep unpopularity. Impacts With this reshuffle, Hollande may have consolidated his majority enough for it to hold until the presidential election of April-May 2017. It will certainly guarantee that he will be the only candidate from the executive -- neither Valls nor Macron will stand against him. By sticking with a 'social-liberal' line, Hollande is fostering alternative candidates, both within and without the Socialist Party. Fabius's departure is likely to muffle even more France's voice on the European and international scene, and in global climate negotiations.


The Forum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron C. Weinschenk ◽  
Christopher T. Dawes

Abstract We examine the role of moral foundations and system justification in explaining support for Donald Trump in the 2016 general election using data from the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey. A number of important findings emerge. First, we find that there are important partisan and ideological differences when it comes to moral foundations and system justification. Second, we find that moral foundations predict support for Trump above and beyond traditional determinants of vote choice such as ideology, partisanship, religiosity, and demographic characteristics. Third, we find that a measure of political system justification is not related to vote choice in our sample. This casts doubt on the idea that support for Trump was mostly about protesting the political system. This paper adds to the growing body of research showing that psychological concepts and theories are important in understanding voter decision-making in the 2016 presidential election and in elections more generally.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 83-95
Author(s):  
Luqman H. Zainuri

Abstract The aim of this article is to describe inter government relations resulted from disorganized political change from Autocratic political system to the Democratic one. This purpose is described through a challenge against Governor’s moratorium policy in 2010 made by three Heads of Districts within the province of Bali over the issuance of principle of building permit of new hotels and tourist accomodations. The method by which this research is conducted is exploratory. The research found that the problems of coordination in the policy emanate from a radical change in politics and government from centralised to decentralised government and termination of President Soeharto from the office. The un-coordinated political transition at the national level being faced by Indonesia has brought about serious problems on coordination of inter government institutions of the local governments. In effect, to the large extent, the performance of local governments -as it has been the case in the province of Bali-is contra productive in fulfilling societal needs of public services as well as local-economic development.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair Soutter ◽  
René Mõttus

Although the scientific evidence of anthropogenic climate change continues to grow, public discourse still reflects a high level of scepticism and political polarisation towards anthropogenic climate change. In this study (N = 499) we attempted to replicate and expand upon an earlier finding that environmental terminology (“climate change” versus “global warming”) could partly explain political polarisation in environmental scepticism (Schuldt, Konrath, & Schwarz, 2011). Participants completed a series of online questionnaires assessing personality traits, political preferences, belief in environmental phenomenon, and various pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours. Those with a Conservative political orientation and/or party voting believed less in both climate change and global warming compared to those with a Liberal orientation and/or party voting. Furthermore, there was an interaction between continuously measured political orientation, but not party voting, and question wording on beliefs in environmental phenomena. Personality traits did not confound these effects. Furthermore, continuously measured political orientation was associated with pro-environmental attitudes, after controlling for personality traits, age, gender, area lived in, income, and education. The personality domains of Openness, and Conscientiousness, were consistently associated with pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours, whereas Agreeableness was associated with pro-environmental attitudes but not with behaviours. This study highlights the importance of examining personality traits and political preferences together and suggests ways in which policy interventions can best be optimised to account for these individual differences.


2003 ◽  
Vol 80 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Reichert ◽  
James E. Mueller ◽  
Michael Nitz

This study examines content and tone of political information in five leading general interest and lifestyle magazines from December 1999 through November 2000. The analysis revealed a low level of political information in the selected magazines. With the exception of Rolling Stone and Glamour, the nature of coverage was strategy oriented and superficial, while the tone was mostly cynical in men's magazines, yet favorable toward Gore. The results provide a glimpse of the political information available for typical young adults and insight into the apathetic attitudes of young adults toward the American political system.


1971 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 323-341
Author(s):  
Michael J. Francis ◽  
Hernan Vera-Godoy

Increasingly alone as a stable republican nation in Latin America, Chile has long been a favorite subject for North American scholars and journalists. Every six years, as it faces a presidential election, the world press breathlessly rediscovers that this long slim country confronts its public problems within the framework of a developed, democratic political system. When in 1964 Chile placed a young idealistic party in power behind Eduardo Frei, an unquestionably intelligent figure of austere but charismatic bearing, this country became a favorite model for the advocates of democratic reformism in Latin America and soon was receiving the highest United States foreign aid per capita in Latin America. Thus it came as a shock that the Chilean electorate could turn its back on Frei's administration in 1970 by favoring the rightist and Marxist candidates. For those who saw in the government of Frei a basic alternative to Marxist models for Latin America, the free election of an avowed Marxist as the President of Chile presents additional problems.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiffany Shin Legendre ◽  
Rodney Warnick ◽  
Melissa Baker

Despite the copious anecdotal evidence available, research only recently examines the multidimensional dynamics associated with underdog brands and their essential, complex place in the business world. This research seeks to better conceptualize, operationalize, and refine the theories and constructs surrounding underdogs. The study conducts two 2 × 2 × 2 quasi-experimental between-subjects design studies to fulfill these objectives. Study 1 is designed to confirm that brand localness needs to be separated from underdog concepts as both brand cues distinctively prompt customers’ purchase activism depending on their political orientations. Study 2 extends the system justification theory by replicating Study 1 using a different context and refining control variables to better understand other potential explanations of customer behavior toward underdog/localness brand cues. The results indicate that brand positioning status and brand localness both have main effects on intent to purchase and willingness to pay a price premium. Furthermore, results find political orientation is an important moderator in determining whether customers purchase underdog brands.


2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chun-Sik Kim

This study examines the impact of political system and culture on political advertising of the United States, Japan and Korea. The population of this study was defined as all political ads appearing in major daily newspapers during the 1963–1997 presidential election campaigns in the U.S. and Korea, and the House of Representatives' election campaigns in Japan. A total of 695 political newspaper ads were content-analyzed in this study. Results of the study showed that there were differences in types, valences and appeals of political advertising of the U.S., Japan and Korea. Also, discussions based on study results showed mixed and intertwined arguments against or for the expectations for this study.


Author(s):  
John Kenneth Galbraith

This chapter focuses on the politics of contentment. In the past, the contented and the self-approving were a small minority in any national entity, with the majority of the citizenry being relegated outside. In the United States, the favored are now numerous, greatly influential of voice and a majority of those who vote. This, and not the division of voters as between political parties, is what defines modern American political behavior and shapes modern politics. The chapter first considers the commitment of the Republican Party and the Democratic Party to the policies of contentment before discussing the effects of money and media on the politics of contentment. It also examines American electoral politics, social exclusion, and international relations in the context of the politics of contentment. Finally, it tackles the question of whether, and to what extent, the politics of contentment in the United States extends to other industrial countries.


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