scholarly journals Standby citizens: diverse faces of political passivity

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Amnå ◽  
Joakim Ekman

The current debate on political participation is bound to a discussion about whether citizens are active or passive. This dichotomous notion is nurtured by an extensive normative debate concerning whether passivity is an asset or a threat to democracy; and it is especially manifest in studies of young people's political orientations. Drawing on this discussion, the present study goes beyond the dichotomy by keeping political interest conceptually separate from participation in order to improve our understanding of political passivity. Multivariate cluster analysis of empirical data on Swedish youth suggests that we need to consider three distinctive forms of ‘political passivity’. In the paper we present empirical evidence not only of the existence of a particular ‘standby citizen’, but also of two kinds of genuinely passive young people: unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Alongside active citizens, these people are in distinctly different categories with regard to their political behavior. This entails a new analytical framework that may be used to analyze an empirical phenomenon that has received surprisingly little attention in the literature on political participation and civic engagement.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Procopio ◽  
Lea Schomaker ◽  
Robin Samuel

Luxembourg is known for its cultural and national diversity. Approximately 48% of the population is foreigners live in Luxembourg. For 15-29-year-olds, this share wasapproximately 42% in 2019 and 2020. Furthermore, approximately 185,000 foreign workers commute to Luxembourg daily. Considering this, Luxembourg is an interesting case for investigating national identity and political participation of a diverse society (STATEC 2020a, STATEC 2020b, STATEC 2021). Especially, as the biographies of young people in Luxembourg are becoming increasingly complex (e.g., mixed national parents; highly skilled expatriates), it is worth looking into different aspects and valuations of national identity and political participation of youth in Luxembourg (Amtépé and Hartmann-Hirsch, 2011). In this policy report, we look into the aspects of national identity and how young people living in Luxembourg define a ‘real Luxembourger’ using the Youth Survey Luxembourg (2019) data (Sozio et al., 2020). This will give us the opportunity to investigate what aspects of identity (e.g. Luxembourgish ancestry; the time spent living in Luxembourg) matter for young people to feel part of Luxembourgish society and how these change across different social backgrounds and demographics. The discourse about the interrelations of political participation and youth brings forward the dominant narrative of a disengaging and passive youth. Here, we also investigate these statements in the Luxembourgish context. We analyse the level of interest in politics across young people in Luxembourg and their means of political participation. Finally, we especially investigated the relationship between aspects of national identity, and political interest and engagement of young people in Luxembourg.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
S. A. Grishaeva ◽  
A. A. Lebedeva

The article considers the forms of political participation of generation Z in modern Russia and gives an assessment of the prospects for digital forms of this participation. The paper describes the characteristics that distinguish generation Z in terms of the influence of these characteristics on the political behavior of its representatives, as well as possible motives for the political participation of young people. The authors give the results of a study that allow you to get answers to the questions: what features make this or that form of political participation the most attractive for generation Z? Is generation Z really critical and negative about regime? Can digital forms of political participation become mainstream in the country’s political life thanks to youth and the rapid digitalization of society? The paper describes the criteria for the attractiveness of various forms of political participation, such as rallies, actions, demonstrations, strikes, hunger strikes, revolutions, elections, crowdfunding, written appeals to the authorities and petitions, participation in political movements and parties, meetings with political figures. These criteria are: personal safety, speed of implementation of the form, the ability to attract attention and find like-minded persons. According to the results of the study, the authors substantiate the conclusion about the prospects of using digital forms (in particular, online voting) of political participation, primarily due to the speed and security that distinguish digital forms of political participation from traditional ones: it is very convenient to express your civic position from anywhere in the world, while simultaneously doing other things and not fearing negative consequences for participation. In addition, digital forms of political participation are demanded by young people as the most convenient, as they are built into their “natural habitat” – the space of social networks.


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alain Clémence ◽  
Thierry Devos ◽  
Willem Doise

Social representations of human rights violations were investigated in a questionnaire study conducted in five countries (Costa Rica, France, Italy, Romania, and Switzerland) (N = 1239 young people). We were able to show that respondents organize their understanding of human rights violations in similar ways across nations. At the same time, systematic variations characterized opinions about human rights violations, and the structure of these variations was similar across national contexts. Differences in definitions of human rights violations were identified by a cluster analysis. A broader definition was related to critical attitudes toward governmental and institutional abuses of power, whereas a more restricted definition was rooted in a fatalistic conception of social reality, approval of social regulations, and greater tolerance for institutional infringements of privacy. An atypical definition was anchored either in a strong rejection of social regulations or in a strong condemnation of immoral individual actions linked with a high tolerance for governmental interference. These findings support the idea that contrasting definitions of human rights coexist and that these definitions are underpinned by a set of beliefs regarding the relationships between individuals and institutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vera Snezhko ◽  
Dmitrii Benin ◽  
Artem Lukyanets ◽  
Larisa Kondratenko

Considering features of hydrological conditions for hydro-chemical system, this paper analyses the performance of the hydro-ecological status of the Kuban river basin.. The results of the study on water chemical composition depending on the distance from the source are presented. By comparing the results with the reference values of water quality, increased aluminium, zinc, and copper content was established. Respective dendrograms of hydro-ecological studies obtained according to performed analysis for the Kuban River and its tributaries are presented. The relevance of the findings received is p<0.0005 and the correlation coefficient corresponds to 0.935...1. The results of multivariate cluster analysis showed that the Kuban basin has an increased content of particular heavy metals such as aluminium, copper, and zinc.


Asian Survey ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 423-439
Author(s):  
Reetika Syal

Abstract This article finds, through statistical analysis of the National Election Studies (2004) data, that an increase in intergenerational education levels can positively influence an individual's political interest and political participation. Participatory trends in India are influenced by demographic factors such as caste, class, gender, income, and locality. However, this study finds that education can have a liberating effect from these various socio-economic constraints. It can provide greater access to resources and information, thus helping to increase active political participation.


2001 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
C.K. John Wang ◽  
Stuart J.H. Biddle

A great deal has been written about the motivation of young people in physical activity, and the determinants of activity for this age group have been identified as a research priority. Despite this, there are few large-scale studies identifying “types” or “clusters” of young people based on their scores on validated motivation inventories. This study reports the results of a cluster analysis of a large national sample (n = 2,510) of 12- to 15-year-olds using contemporary approaches to physical activity motivation: achievement goal orientations, self-determination theory (including amotivation), the nature of athletic ability beliefs, and perceived competence. Five meaningful clusters were identified reflecting two highly motivated and two less well-motivated clusters, as well as a clearly amotivated cluster. Groupings were validated by investigating differences in physical activity participation and perceptions of physical self-worth. Some clusters reflected age and gender differences. The results provide valuable information for likely strategies to promote physical activity in young people.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Wahid Ahmad Dar

The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 791-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Reher

Abstract People with disabilities constitute one of the largest minority groups in Europe, and yet our knowledge about how they relate to the political system remains limited. In addition to facing practical barriers such as inaccessible campaign material and polling stations, they often have fewer resources that facilitate and promote confidence and engagement in politics. Moreover, experiences of discrimination and low numbers of politicians with disabilities can generate feelings of disempowerment. Using European Social Survey data from 30 countries from 2002 to 2015, this study shows that people with disabilities have lower levels of internal and external efficacy, political trust and interest, and electoral participation. The disparities in internal efficacy and political interest disappear when accounting for education, income, employment, and social contact. Meanwhile, significant gaps in external efficacy, political trust, and turnout remain to be explained. Perceptions of discrimination strengthen the internal efficacy and political interest of citizens with disabilities but further decrease their external efficacy, political trust, and turnout. The study sheds light on a frequently overlooked dimension of political inequality, provides insights on several contributing factors, and highlights where further research is needed.


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