scholarly journals Diversity, National Identity, and Political Participation among Young People in Luxembourg

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Procopio ◽  
Lea Schomaker ◽  
Robin Samuel

Luxembourg is known for its cultural and national diversity. Approximately 48% of the population is foreigners live in Luxembourg. For 15-29-year-olds, this share wasapproximately 42% in 2019 and 2020. Furthermore, approximately 185,000 foreign workers commute to Luxembourg daily. Considering this, Luxembourg is an interesting case for investigating national identity and political participation of a diverse society (STATEC 2020a, STATEC 2020b, STATEC 2021). Especially, as the biographies of young people in Luxembourg are becoming increasingly complex (e.g., mixed national parents; highly skilled expatriates), it is worth looking into different aspects and valuations of national identity and political participation of youth in Luxembourg (Amtépé and Hartmann-Hirsch, 2011). In this policy report, we look into the aspects of national identity and how young people living in Luxembourg define a ‘real Luxembourger’ using the Youth Survey Luxembourg (2019) data (Sozio et al., 2020). This will give us the opportunity to investigate what aspects of identity (e.g. Luxembourgish ancestry; the time spent living in Luxembourg) matter for young people to feel part of Luxembourgish society and how these change across different social backgrounds and demographics. The discourse about the interrelations of political participation and youth brings forward the dominant narrative of a disengaging and passive youth. Here, we also investigate these statements in the Luxembourgish context. We analyse the level of interest in politics across young people in Luxembourg and their means of political participation. Finally, we especially investigated the relationship between aspects of national identity, and political interest and engagement of young people in Luxembourg.

Studying the reasons for youth political participation, and how young people get involved in political activities is an important issue for both developed and developing countries. Research in this area started from general tendencies and then moved to specific country factors. The purpose of this research is to determine the relationship, in Russia, between participation in voluntary associations during education and political participation during adulthood. Previously, there was no research in this field for Russia. In the research non-parametric tests for K independent samples, descriptive statistics, logistical regression, and factor analysis were applied. The main data source is the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey. The key result is that involvement in voluntary associations during education, especially in political ones, positively affects future youth political participation. Education and income also have positive effects. Russia is generally similar to other countries, including developed, developing, and post-soviet ones. In post-soviet countries, the key interdependencies are similar to Russia, but not so clearly expressed. In Russia, employed young people vote with less probability than unemployed ones, whereas in Belarus we see the opposite.


2021 ◽  
pp. 44-80
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner

This chapter describes in detail patterns of political participation in Latin America with a particular focus on the political activity of poor citizens. It also introduces the book’s measures of poverty and political participation and engages in some preliminary statistical analysis in order to rule out alternative explanations. We identify three important findings: first, the poorest individuals in Latin America now participate in politics at least as much as, if not more than, more affluent individuals; second, the relationship between wealth and political activism is not uniform across countries or acts: in some places poor people participate more than the affluent, in most countries there is no difference in overall levels of participation across social classes, and in a few countries political stratification by class continues; third, the chapter shows that poor people do vote and protest a bit less than more affluent people but contact government more. It is the frequency with which poor people contact government officials that accounts for much of the equality in political participation that the book identifies. The analysis finds little evidence that individual-level factors explain these patterns. Instead, poor individuals participate as much or more than more affluent individuals despite possessing lower levels of education, political interest, and wealth. The chapter also explores the effect that efforts at vote buying and clientelist mobilization have on poor people’s activism, showing that although clientelism is common, it not the only mechanism through which poor people are mobilized into politics.


Author(s):  
Václav Štětka ◽  
Jaromír Mazák

This article examines the relationship between online political expression and offline forms of political participation in the context of the 2013 Czech Parliamentary elections. It draws on the rapidly growing but still very much inconclusive empirical evidence concerning the use of new media and social network sites in particular for electoral mobilization and social activism, and their impact on more traditional forms of civic and political engagement. The theoretical framework of the paper is inspired by the competing perspectives on the role of social media for democratic participation and civic engagement, the mobilization vs. normalization thesis, as well as by the popular concepts of clicktivism or slacktivism (Morozov, 2009), denouncing online activism for allegedly not being complemented by offline actions and having little or no impact on real-life political processes. With the intention to empirically contribute to these discussions, this study uses data from a cross-sectional survey on a representative sample of the Czech adult population (N=1,653) which was conducted directly following the 2013 Parliamentary elections. The study was driven by the main research question: Is there a link between online political expression during the election campaign and traditional forms of political participation among Czech Facebook users? Furthermore, the analysis examined the relationship between online political participation and a declared political interest, electoral participation and political news consumption. The results obtained from an ordinal logistic regression analysis confirm the existence of a significant positive relationship between the respondents’ level of campaign engagement on Facebook and their political interest, political information seeking as well as traditional (mainly offline) participation activities, including voting.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (XXIII) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Anna Alsztyniuk

This article focuses on the relationship between Yanka Bryl and Poland, showing the influence of Polish classics on his literary legacy. Stories such as Orphan’s Bread by Yanka Bryl, Orphan’s Plight by Bolesław Prus and the novel Sisyphean Labours by Stefan Żeromski were subjected to comparative analysis. Prus concentrated on the fate of the orphan and his unequal struggle for a better tomorrow. Żeromski showed the image of the school in the Russian Congress Kingdom of Poland and the struggle of young people against Russification. J. Bryl, in his story, raised the topics of the orphanage and the struggle for linguistic, cultural and national identity.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor D. Bojkov

This article is about national identity, political interest and the creation of international human rights regimes. Geographically, it is focused on Western Europe and the very recent process of establishing the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Both national identity and political interest are seen as important determinants of this process, defining its discourse and outcome. The relationship between the two is complex and recursive. They influence each other to an extent that warrants seeing them as mutually constitutive. On one hand, the social, political and economic projects elites engage in have to resonate positively with dearly held elements of national identity but have also the power to modify them. Being a psychological phenomenon, on the other hand, national identity is a dynamic concept that employs common historically defined memories, traditions and customs but is also subject to the influence of the political context within which it operates.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 ◽  
pp. 01014
Author(s):  
Irina Samuilova ◽  
Karina Bakuleva

The article presents the results of an empirical study aimed at studying the features of virtual political participation of modern Russian youth. The author's technique for diagnosing virtual political participation, developed on the basis of a cognitive approach to political behaviour, is described. The relationship between the characteristics of media use, the socio-political participation of young people and their political beliefs are revealed. The assumption is tested that the peculiarities of interaction of young people with media resources are determined by the abilities and skills of working with information – respondents with a high level of media competence are more active in introducing themselves to the virtual political agenda and expressing their own position in the online space, while less media competent people deliberately distance themselves from expanding the information base related to politics and have specific political beliefs. It was found that the preference for certain types of virtual political participation is associated with subjective ideas about the nature of political processes, as well as the level of media competence.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Amnå ◽  
Joakim Ekman

The current debate on political participation is bound to a discussion about whether citizens are active or passive. This dichotomous notion is nurtured by an extensive normative debate concerning whether passivity is an asset or a threat to democracy; and it is especially manifest in studies of young people's political orientations. Drawing on this discussion, the present study goes beyond the dichotomy by keeping political interest conceptually separate from participation in order to improve our understanding of political passivity. Multivariate cluster analysis of empirical data on Swedish youth suggests that we need to consider three distinctive forms of ‘political passivity’. In the paper we present empirical evidence not only of the existence of a particular ‘standby citizen’, but also of two kinds of genuinely passive young people: unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Alongside active citizens, these people are in distinctly different categories with regard to their political behavior. This entails a new analytical framework that may be used to analyze an empirical phenomenon that has received surprisingly little attention in the literature on political participation and civic engagement.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-34
Author(s):  
Aliaa Ibrahim Dakroury

Although claims questioning whether religious sacred books can be “translated” or not have been heard for quite some time, they have increased with the emergence of globalization and the increasing openness and flow of information due to modern technology. In the context of the relationship between hermeneutics and communication, one could argue that interpreting the Qur’an is an interesting case study for many reasons. Among them is the number of debates and discourses that have been raised both for and against its translation. Another reason, perhaps one of the largest barriers according to some religious Muslim groups, is that the Qur’an is fundamentally revealed and written in Arabic, and, therefore, its true meaning cannot be translated into another language. Certain verses, such as “It is a Qur’an in Arabic, without any crookedness (therein): in order that they may guard against evil” (28:39), have been presented to support this argument.


Author(s):  
Tatsiana Shaban

The European Union’s neighbourhood is complex and still far from being stable. In Ukraine, significant progress has occurred in many areas of transition; however, much work remains to be done, especially in the field of regional development and governance where many legacies of the Soviet model remain. At the crossroads between East and West, Ukraine presents an interesting case of policy development as an expression of European Union (EU) external governance. This paper asks the question: why was the relationship between the EU and Ukraine fairly unsuccessful at promoting stability in the region and in Ukraine? What was missing in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in Ukraine that rendered the EU unable to prevent a conflict on the ground? By identifying security, territorial, and institutional challenges and opportunities the EU has faced in Ukraine, this paper underlines the most important factors accounting for the performance of its external governance and crisis management in Ukraine.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v12i2.1310


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