Hoofdtrekken der Nederlandsche Arbeidersbeweging in de jaren 1876 tot 1886

1938 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 171-230
Author(s):  
A. J. C. RÜter

The present article is the second part of a study on the Dutch working-class movement between 1876 and 1886, (the first part was published in Vol. III of this Review), and deals with the economic crisis and the unemployment problem in the years 1884 to 1886.The economic position of Holland was very bad at that time. Apart from an agricultural crisis, which set in about 1875, a crisis in commerce and industry, especially in ship-building and other building trades, made itself felt after 1883. The number of unemployed was considerable throughout the country; it was particularly great, however, in the large towns, to which numerous labourers from the rural districts had migrated. The author tries to ascertain the magnitude of this unemployement on the strength of certain figures, which, although incomplete, are important as the first data on the unemployment in Holland in the 19th century. Then follows an investigation into the methods of fighting this unemployment, which brings out that, generally speaking, both the government and the individual municipalities were of the opinion that interference in this matter did not fall within their sphere of action. When the normal church- and municipal dole proved to be insufficient, private persons were expected to provide for the extra wants of the poor. This was indeed the case in Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and various smaller towns in the form of a special dole and the organization of relief work. Unemployment insurance was practically not yet thought of at that time.

1929 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-160
Author(s):  
J. G. Kyd ◽  
G. H. Maddex

Judged by the amount of space devoted to the subject in the Journal of the Institute, Unemployment Insurance has received but little attention from actuaries in the past Public interest in the problem of relieving distress due to unemployment became pronounced in the early years of the present century and led to the appointment in 1904 of a Royal Commission on the Poor Laws and, eventually, to the passing in 1911 of the first Unemployment Insurance Act. These important events found a somewhat pallid reflection in our proceedings in the form of reprints of extracts from Sir H. Llewellyn Smith's address on Insurance against Unemployment to the British Association in 1910 (J.I.A., vol. xliv, p. 511) and of Mr. Ackland's report on Part II of the National Insurance Bill (J.I.A., vol. xlv, p. 456). At a later date, when the scope of the national scheme was very greatly widened, the Government Actuary's report on the relevant measure—the Unemployment Insurance Bill 1919—was reprinted in the Journal (J.I.A., vol. lii, page 72).


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-142
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Zdrojewski ◽  
Małgorzata Guzińska

One of the characteristic features of unemployment in Poland is a strong spatial diversification of that phenomenon. The main objective of this paper is to illustrate changes in the unemployment rate in provinces as well as (urban and rural) districts between 2008 and 2013. A thorough analysis has confirmed a dramatic difference in the intensity of unemployment in the individual districts of the country. The unemployment rate in urban districts in 2013 differed by over 24 percentage points, while in rural districts in the analysed period that spread amounted to 30%. The analysis shows that the growth of the unemployment rate in Poland was profoundly affected by the global economic crisis and other factors. The research has confirmed that unemployment is a major social problem which affects all regions of the country to a varying extent. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 54 (4I-II) ◽  
pp. 739-763 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Afzal ◽  
Shamim Rafique ◽  
Farhan Hameed

In spite of taking and implementing various special measures by the government of Punjab and the Pakistan to alleviate poverty in Punjab, poverty is still there and has become a constraint in the way of economic progress and prosperity of the people of the Punjab-Pakistan. Poverty is pronounced deprivation in well-being. The conventional view links well-being primarily to command over commodities, so the poor are those who do not have enough income or consumption to put them above some adequate minimum threshold. The broadest approach to well-being and hence poverty focuses on the capability of the individual to properly function in the society. The poor lack key capabilities, and may have inadequate income or education, and last but not the least living standards. How we measure poverty can importantly influence how we come to understand it, how we analyse it, and how we create policies to influence it. In recent years, the literature on multidimensional poverty measurement has blossomed in a number of different directions. The 1997 Human Development Report vividly introduced poverty as a multidimensional phenomenon, and the Millennium Declaration and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) have highlighted multiple dimensions of poverty since 2000.


Author(s):  
Ling-Meng Chan ◽  
Chia-Guan Keh ◽  
Siu-Eng Tang ◽  
Yan-Teng Tan ◽  
Ying-Yin Koay

“Tax the rich, subsidise the poor” is deemed one of the typical finance characteristics of democracy and a solution in reducing income inequality. The Malaysian government has also adopted this strategy in its income redistribution policy. Evidently, this strategy can minimise the income gaps at the country level. However, it is doubtful if it can be effectively done at the individual level. The rich have to pay more while the poor can enjoy the ‘free’ income. Would that lead to financial satisfaction? Hence, the main objective of this study was to investigate the impact of individual perceptions on the government’s democratic act in implementing "tax the rich, subsidise the poor" policy for financial satisfaction among Malaysians. For an empirical analysis, this paper discusses the study conducted which used the sixth wave of the World Value Survey (WVS) data with 1290 respondents and is regressed by the ordered logit and ordered probit modelling. The results indicated that the democratic act of ‘taxing the rich and subsidising the poor’ in reality reduces financial satisfaction among Malaysians. In contrast, these same Malaysians wish for a larger income difference as an incentive for individual efforts. In view of this, the government and policy makers should make revisions to the current progressive taxation system or look for other alternative taxation systems which may be seen as fairer and can improve financial satisfaction among Malaysians at each income level.


Author(s):  
Cristina Sin ◽  
Orlanda Tavares

The reduction of the first degree in Portugal, driven by the Bologna reforms, has resulted in a perceived loss of its value in the society and the labour market. The implementation of the reforms coincided with the severe economic crisis and the job scarcity currently affecting the labour market. This paper aims to investigate student perceptions of the reasons why they consider the first degree insufficient. Is it because students really feel unprepared for the labour market as a result of the shorter first degree or is it because of the widespread perception in the society that the first degree is insufficient? In other words, is the poor employability of the first degree perceived as being determined by individual inability or by an external scepticism about its value? Findings suggest that, for students, the first degree is not enough mostly because of their individual inability to respond to labour market needs and less because of public scepticism about the degree’s worth. Therefore, students apparently see themselves as the key agents, emphasising their own responsibility for employability and the individual factors behind the employability concept, although the latter are somewhat balanced by external factors under the weight of the economic crisis.


Author(s):  
Pallavi Pathak ◽  
Tapan Gope ◽  
Nadine Bader

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused the whole world to face an economic crisis and hence putting people even more at risk of food insecurity; supply chain setup has been disrupted severely due to numerous transport restrictions. There is a need for various components of government machinery to work in complete synergy for aligning services, making provision for supplies and arranging means of delivery to the citizens. This review gives an understanding about the food security situation in India, problem faced by the citizens, in particular the poor and vulnerable population, small and marginal farmers during the COVID-19 pandemic. It also analyses the steps taken by the government of India to address the food security challenges during COVID-19. We have discussed the importance of macrolevel thinking and various measures that can be taken to strengthen public distribution system in India. We have also discussed policies to support the small and marginal farmers, wage laborers, and migrant workers.


Author(s):  
Liubomyr Ilyn

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze and systematize the views of social and political thinkers of Galicia in the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries. on the right and manner of organizing a nation-state as a cathedral. Method. The methodology includes a set of general scientific, special legal, special historical and philosophical methods of scientific knowledge, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive. The problem-chronological approach made it possible to identify the main stages of the evolution of the content of the idea of catholicity in Galicia's legal thought of the 19th century. Results. It is established that the idea of catholicity, which was borrowed from church terminology, during the nineteenth century. acquired clear legal and philosophical features that turned it into an effective principle of achieving state unity and integrity. For the Ukrainian statesmen of the 19th century. the idea of catholicity became fundamental in view of the separation of Ukrainians between the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires. The idea of unity of Ukrainians of Galicia and the Dnieper region, formulated for the first time by the members of the Russian Trinity, underwent a long evolution and received theoretical reflection in the work of Bachynsky's «Ukraine irredenta». It is established that catholicity should be understood as a legal principle, according to which decisions are made in dialogue, by consensus, and thus able to satisfy the absolute majority of citizens of the state. For Galician Ukrainians, the principle of unity in the nineteenth century. implemented through the prism of «state» and «international» approaches. Scientific novelty. The main stages of formation and development of the idea of catholicity in the views of social and political figures of Halychyna of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries are highlighted in the work. and highlighting the distinctive features of «national statehood» that they promoted and understood as possible in the process of unification of Ukrainian lands into one state. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 161-168
Author(s):  
Alexander D. Gronsky

The article examines the relationship between Western Russianism (Zapadnorusizm) and Byelorussian nationalism. Byelorussian nationalism is much younger than Western Russianism, finally shaping only in the end of the 19th century. Before 1917 revolution Byelorussian nationalism could not compete with Western Russianism. The national policy of the Bolsheviks contributed to the decline of Western Russianism and helped Byelorussian nationalism to gain stronger positions. However, Byelorussian nationalists actively cooperated with the occupation authorities during the Great Patriotic war. That caused distinctly negative attitude of Byelorussians towards the movement and collaborators. Currently, Byelorussian nationalism is supported both by the opposition and by the government. Western Russianism has no political representation, but is supported by the majority of Byelorussian population.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 293-317
Author(s):  
Protopriest Alexander Romanchuk

The article studies the system of pre-conditions that caused the onset of the uniat clergy’s movement towards Orthodoxy in the Russian Empire in the beginning of the 19th century. The author comes to the conclusion that the tendency of the uniat clergy going back to Orthodoxy was the result of certain historic conditions, such as: 1) constant changes in the government policy during the reign of Emperor Pavel I and Emperor Alexander I; 2) increasing latinization of the uniat church service after 1797 and Latin proselytism that were the result of the distrust of the uniats on the part of Roman curia and representatives of Polish Catholic Church of Latin church service; 3) ecclesiastical contradictions made at the Brest Church Union conclusion; 4) division of the uniat clergy into discordant groups and the increase of their opposition to each other on the issue of latinization in the first decades of the 19th century. The combination of those conditions was a unique phenomenon that never repeated itself anywhere.


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