Transformation of the Hungarian Constitutional Court: Tradition, Revolution, and (European) Prospects

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-692
Author(s):  
Gábor Spuller

The new Constitution and the new Act are changing the status of the Hungarian Constitutional Court by developing the Hungarian constitutional tradition, creating better collaboration between the Constitutional Court and the ordinary judiciary, and establishing an effective instrument for the protection of individual human rights. But the pattern of the Parliament reacting to the rulings of the Constitutional Court with constitutional amendments reduces the competences of the Constitutional Court. It is to be hoped that this process is coming to an end, because otherwise the achievement of the “paradoxical revolution of law” is endangered.Due to the former extensive competences in terms of law review and its limited influence on ordinary jurisdiction, the status of the Constitutional Court caused problems. Because of the abstract nature of the procedures, the distance from the ordinary judiciary, and the power dilemma between the Constitutional Court and the Parliament respectively, the Government decided the main stream of its ruling up to 2012.Now there are some important changes, especially the introduction of a widespread constitutional complaint. The abolition of the actio popularis is justified. The relationships between the state organs seem to be better clarified and adjusted. The European clause of the 1949/1989 Constitution, which was largely retained in the Fundamental Law, contains a fundamental concept, which is that the European Union is founded on strong sovereign Member States. On the other hand, the Fundamental Law strengthens Hungary's ties to Europe by making these an integral part of that law. As the Constitutional Court had not yet really applied the European Clause, it now has the opportunity to put these two concepts into practice and make them mutually compatible by enforcing them at a high level.The discussions concerning the newest constitutional developments in Hungary mainly have their origin in the power struggle between the constituent majority of the Parliament and the Constitutional Court. It is not clear, however, how long this conflict will continue to be a matter falling solely within the national sovereignty of Hungary. Due to the parliamentary super-majority of the governing parties, the Constitutional Court is losing its power. Hungary is a unitary state; it is an open question whether there is any substitution needed to balance the power of the governing parties. Nevertheless, in spite of the substantial restrictions on reviewing the constitutionality of financial laws and the several amendments of the new Constitution, the Constitutional Court still plays a role in safeguarding democratic checks and balances. Indeed, it can have a positive impact on the European integration of Hungary. It has been granted new competences to guarantee constitutional unity within the Hungarian legal system and to complete the enforcement of individual rights. The Constitutional Court should make better use of its new granted competence to remedy any possible grievance entirely.

2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 307-320
Author(s):  
Attila Vincze

Abstract There was no tradition of a republican president in Hungary before the fall of communism, and the transitory constitution of 1989 was unclear about the exact role the President should play in the constitutional system of Hungary. Some provisions even resembled those of presidential or semi-presidential systems; some ambiguities were clarified during the first two decades after the transition. Conventions, however, were established to some extent and sometimes very quickly. This period gave rise to guidelines as to how the powers of the President should be exercised. Some other powers were concretized and interpreted foremost by the Constitutional Court. These conventions and judicial interpretations formed the character of the Presidency to the extent of informal constitutional change. Some of these elements have even been incorporated into and formalized by the new Fundamental Law of Hungary. The present contribution will point out how the originally broad competencies of the President have been narrowed in the practice, and what role the Constitutional Court and political actors played in this process.


2019 ◽  
pp. 124-130
Author(s):  
Yu.V. Slabunova ◽  
N.M. Shcherbak

The article deals with the characterization of the legal status of a judge of a court of general jurisdiction as a public servant. In the context of the active development and improvement of public administration in the world, the role of public service as a defining feature of the state for which the rights, freedoms, and legitimate interests of citizens is of the highest social value is increasing. Since the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union by Ukraine, it has become necessary to introduce and establish in the national legislation such an institution as a public service. This became the lever that started the process of reforming the government system in the country and determined the correct vector for the development of public service in Ukraine. Legislative improvement of the judicial system and the status of judges of courts of general jurisdiction in the context of public service reform in Ukraine is one of the prerequisites for the further development of our country as a rule of law and democracy. In particular, public service reform in Ukraine should be aimed at creating a fundamentally new system of judiciary. Unfortunately, as of today, the domestic legislation has not undergone significant changes and additions regarding the introduction of the Public Service Institute. Particular attention is paid to the concept of “public service”, which is the defining legal definition for the study. Based on the analysis of the opinions of scientists, scientists form a list of the main features of public service. The nature and content of the activity of judges of courts of general jurisdiction is determined by the totality of the relevant legal elements that are part of the structure of their legal status. These include the judge’s legal personality, his rights and obligations, functions, principles, legal liability, and safeguards. The list of features of activity of judges of courts of general jurisdiction as public servants is determined. It is concluded that the status of judges of the courts of general jurisdiction is to be legally enshrined as a fundamentally separate and distinct type of public service. Keywords: public official, public service, judges of courts of general jurisdiction, judicial authorities, legal status.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bijay Kumar Singh

  Covering about 13 per cent of the total land area of Nepal, Chure is an environmentally vulnerable, fragile and sensitive zone. Recognizing this, the Government of Nepal has declared it as “Chure Environmental Protection Area” and has formulated a high level board called “President Chure- Terai-Madhesh Conservation Board” to oversee the conservation activities in the region. Based on a review of literature and a decade long engagement of the author in the conservation in Chure, in this paper, I explore the status and issues related to the management of and land tenure in the Chure region. I find that land tenure is one of the most contested and challenging issues of conservation in Chure. With the presence of significant human settlements near to Chure Environmental Protection Area, the boundary is contested, particularly after the unilateral designation by the government; issues also remain around the rights to utilize forest resources. In fact, these factors have resulted in over exploitation of the resources, mainly by the upstream communities. I conclude the paper arguing for a broader, holistic approach that integrates upstream and downstream ecosystems in such a way that strengthens the historical socio-ecological links between the Chure region and the Terai so as to bring positive impacts for both.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 58
Author(s):  
Aryono Aryono

This article discusses about the efforts of creeds religion flourished to maintain their existence since the 1950s until the late 2010’s in Indonesia. Using historical method, this article found the interesting facts about the struggle of creeds religion in political stage of Indonesia. In 1953, for example, the Ministry of Religion Affairs noted that there were 360 groups protected by the government according on the Constitutional Law 1945 Article 29. After the tragedy of 1965, migration of members to the religions took place. When Soeharto became president, these groups was allowed to flourish. However, they got discrimination and always being watched. The new hope was arose in 2006, when the government issued Law No. 23/2006 about Population Administration, although it still requires to fill the religious column in national identity card (KTP). In the end 2017, the Constitutional Court issued a fatwa related to the status of religious column in KTP of the creeds religion. This condition also encompassed to Aliran Kapribaden’s Romo Semono Sastrodiharjo in Purworejo, Central Java. This discrimination must be terminated, in the name of unity in diversity.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petr Kaniok ◽  
Monika Brusenbauch Meislova

Abstract The aim of the article is to explore how the Czech bicameral parliament has reacted to the process of the United Kingdom's (UK's) withdrawal from the European Union (EU). Drawing upon insights from the theoretical expectations of parliamentary power, the inquiry researches the ways that Czech legislatures have developed in terms of engaging with and influencing the Brexit process. In this regard, the Czech case is exceptionally interesting and worth exploring, since the EU agenda has become a highly politicised issue within the Czech context. The significance of this inquiry has been further highlighted by the high level of party-based Euroscepticism typical of Czech politics as well as the frequent changes that the Czech party system has been undergoing in recent years. Throughout the in-depth analysis of parliamentary scrutiny activities—conceptualised as comprising four aspects: (i) the institutional adjustment; (ii) articulation of priorities; (iii) interactions with the government and (iv) parliamentary party politics—the article considers how these activities compare between both chambers of the Czech Parliament.


Author(s):  
George Tsebelis

The article examines the content of the constitutional amendments with respect to the Senate. While symmetric bicameralism would be abolished with respect to policymaking, it would be preserved and even exacerbated with respect to constitutional revisions. The consequences of the first would be a reduction of the number of institutional veto players, which would lead to the facilitation of policy change, and an increase in the power of the government (who is the agenda setter). The content of the new policies remains unknown, as are the economic consequences of the proposed changes. Constitutional revisions would become more difficult, because the ideological distance between the Chamber of Deputies and Senate would be likely to increase (because of the mode of selection of Senators), while article 138, which specifies the requirements for amendment to the constitution, would remain the same. As a result, the role of the Italian Constitutional Court would also likely increase.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 8785-8791

The presence of the digital industry is driving changes in the modes of public transportation from conventional to modern using online applications. The positive impact of the presence of the digital industry especially on line transportation for the community is the existence of new jobs and sources of income. But on the other hand, the presence of on line transportation also presents various problems. This study uses mixed methods with a qualitative main approach and supported by a quantitative approach. The results show that there are problems in social welfare and social protection for two-wheeled online transportation riders which caused by a legal vacuum in the status of the partnership pattern. Therefore, the researcher proposes a partnership agreement model involving the government as the party that has the right to determine the regulation, and in the agreement process requires a bargaining process so that the welfare of two-wheeled online transportation riders as informal sector workers can be fulfilled


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-26
Author(s):  
ANCA-JEANINA NIȚĂ

The present article aims to rediscuss the variables of constitutional revision. This effort stems from the recent initiatives purporting “to reform the Constitutional Court of Romania” and observations regarding the “major deficit of parliamentary democracy in the legislative procedure”, generated by the special procedures of “tacit adoption”, “assuming responsibility” and the excess of legislative power on part of the Government, as expressed through ordinances. Given a constitution needs a certain level of stability and the possibility to adapt to new, political and social realities, this article showcases the procedural rules and limits in relation to constitutional revision. It selectively presents possible outcomes of a future constitutional revision – stemming from the observation of disfunctions manifested in the functioning of the constitutional-statal mechanism (particularly the parliamentary practice of tacitly adopting bills and legislative proposals and the governmental practices in the field of assuming responsibility before Parliament and of adopting emergency ordinances). It showcases the constitutional and infraconstitutional framework regulating the organization and functioning of the Constitutional Court of Romania and remarks a recent bill to amend Law No. 47/1992. Last but not least, it analyses whether constitutional amendments would actually play a part in consolidating the democratic regime of Romania if not paired with a reform of the political elite, reshaping the conduct of the main political and institutional actors


2018 ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
OLGA-ANDREEA URDA

The present article aims at presenting the Austrian fundamental law with the highlighting of some essential aspects regarding the exercise of the legislative, executive and judicial powers, the institutional particularities and, last but not least, the evolution of the regulation that was generated generated by the state's accession to the European Union. Constitutional control is another aspect that we have focused into the study, considering the important role of the Constitutional Court in the rule of law. The conducted analysis has significant valences, especially in the context in which it can signify a point of reference in the comparative study of constitutional regulations


2003 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 155-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecka Milestad ◽  
Sonja Hadatsch

AbstractThe expansion of organic farming has taken off in the European Union and particularly in Austria, where 9% of farmland is certified organic. The main reasons for this development are subsidies and cooperation with supermarket chains. In Austria, many organic farms are located in the mountainous areas, while lowlands with arable cropping have fewer organic farms than the national average. Exploring two regions as case studies, this paper investigates whether the organic farming movement can keep its promises of environmental safety, economic viability and social justice. There is a high level of environmental concern among those who practice organic farming, but local differences are large. It is the individual farmer who determines whether environmental issues beyond the official organic regulations are considered. The economic situation for organic farms is positive due to the financial support from the government and cooperation with supermarket chains, but processing and marketing operations are still lacking for organic products. Regarding social justice, organic farming enjoys a high esteem among consumers, but relations and cooperation between organic and conventional farm sectors is poor. We conclude that it is crucial for the organic movement to focus on qualitative issues rather than quantitative expansion for further sound development of organic farming in Austria.


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