scholarly journals Decentralization in International Relations: A Study of Semarang City's Paradiplomacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09016
Author(s):  
Susiatiningsih Hermini ◽  
Farabi Nadia ◽  
Paramasatya Satwika ◽  
Puspapertiwi Sheiffi

Democratization in developing countries triggered by globalization has led decentralization. Post New-Order Indonesia chose decentralization as its policy to improve democratization, allowing transfer of authority to its local governments, thus raises roles taken by sub-state actors, including in international relations. States, regions, provinces and cities seek their way to promote trade, investments, cooperation, and in some cases, political support, through cross-borders contacts with their international counterparts. The phenomenon which later understood as “paradiplomacy” is thus defined as communication conducted by sub-state actors aimed to promote identity and or pursuing local interests. This study analyze how Semarang, as a melting pot city in Java, positioned itself in international community and develop its own paradiplomacy. The study finds that Municipal Government of Semarang with authority expanded by decentralization uses paradiplomacy as a mean to achieve economic interest, especially to expand market and attract foreign investment, with its environmental issue that remains left-behind. The prototype of paradiplomacy is found in “SemBiz”, annual expo in trade and investment held by Municipal Government of Semarang. Not only serves economic development in Semarang, paradiplomacy is also utilized to preserve, if not strengthen, its locality as integral part of Semarang's identity.

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Habib Alfarisi

Paradiplomacy is a diplomatic relationship carried out by non-state actors. Paradiplomacy is one part of international relations in the modern era, and that international relations in the present era is not state-centric or centered only on the state, but also on non-state actors such as individuals or even local governments. The cooperation between Kyoto Prefecture and the government of the Special Region of Yogyakarta is one form of paradiplomacy, which is called the Sister City. Sister Province itself is a collaboration either engaged in politics or economics or both carried out between two regional governments that have the same problems and views and the cooperation carried out is aimed at solving problems that exist between the two cities. The cooperation between the Special Region of Yogyakarta and Kyoto is one of the Sister Province collaborations which is said to be quite productive and produces many things that benefit both parties. In this paper, the author will try to explain the cooperation carried out by the two parties in detail and explain the past and future that can be done by both parties involved in the cooperation. The author uses data from 2015-2020. The author assumes that the Sister City cooperation between DIY and Kyoto produces many productive things. The author uses a descriptive-analytic method. Keywords : Sister Province, Yogyakarta, Kyoto, Paradiplomacy, Transnational


2021 ◽  
pp. 89-113
Author(s):  
Marcin Frenkel

The article analyzes contemporary cooperation of Polish and American cities. Thus, it contributes to the research on the participation of non-state actors in the international relations. Currently, only 10 Polish cities conduct active cooperation with partners from the USA. These relationships focus on cooperation on issues such as culture, art, science and business. In most cases, these contacts were initiated by the Polish side, and they were based primarily on direct interpersonal contacts. Most partnership agreements were signed in the 1990s and resulted from the collapse of the Soviet block and deep political changes in Poland. Currently, the main obstacles to the intensification of these local governments transatlantic relations is a weak American involvement, geographic distance and a lack of state support.


Author(s):  
Michael Zürn

In this chapter, authority is developed as key concept for analyzing the global governance system. Max Weber’s foundational treatment is used to capture the paradox involved in the notion of “voluntary subordination.” Building on this foundation, the concept of reflexive authority is elaborated in contrast to two other concepts that have prevailed in international relations so far. The argument is laid out against the background of the global governance context, one in which the authority holders are in many respects weaker than most state actors. Two types of reflexive authority are identified: epistemic and political authority. Finally, the interplay between different authorities in global governance is analyzed to identify the major features of the global governance system. It is—to put it in the shortest possible form—a system of only loosely coupled spheres of authorities that is not coordinated by a meta-authority and lacks a proper separation of powers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
Tim Stevens ◽  
Camino Kavanagh

This chapter provides a conceptual and analytical framework for the understanding of ‘cyber power’ in the theory and practice of international relations. Cyber power is the product of relationships between actors, rather than a material quantity that can be possessed and converted into strategic outcomes. This chapter identifies four forms of cyber power that arise from different configurations of state and non-state actors: compulsory, institutional, structural, and productive. Analysis of national cyber strategies shows how states develop, leverage, and exploit their relationships with the actors and structures of the international system to generate cyber power in pursuit of their strategic objectives. Cyber power should therefore be understood as a multiplicity of forms of power in and through cyberspace, not as a singular concept or practice. Moreover, cyber power should be framed within broader conceptualizations of power, rather than treated as somehow distinct and discrete.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 711-729
Author(s):  
Tvrtko Jolić ◽  

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-86
Author(s):  
Xin Fangkun ◽  

This paper discusses the influence of local governments over the realization of «Double First-Class» project in China. Based on the qualitative analysis of 36 universities’ mid-term reports, the spillover effect on local economic and social development was found to be enhancing the core competitiveness of local governments. Text analysis of eight local governments’ «Double First-Class» implementation reports showed that the way of their promoting the «Double First-Class» construction were investment and talent introduction. The local participation in the «Double First-Class» competition under the constraint of national financial resources leads to the Matthew effect of university development. Universities selected for «Double First-Class» will get more resources and develop better, while other universities will be left behind. Therefore, the central government needs to intervene the competition of local governments.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faisal Haq Shaheen

Pakistan’s urban informal sector (IS) has been the subject of increased attention in recent years. In light of national policy failures and the rapid growth of the IS, this study asks whether there are differences in the political will and capacity in engaging the IS between upper and lower tiered state actors, and whether this engagement can be in a sustainable manner. The social contexts of housing, water and sanitation, transportation and labor conditions are examined in the cities of Lahore and Karachi to assess the experiences of the urban informal sector’s engagement with the state. A survey of state and non-state actors is carried out in field interviews to obtain the perspectives of state policies towards the IS as well as to understand the processes, constraints and possible solutions to engaging the IS. Evidence from the study supports the hypothesis that lower tiers of the state are capable of engaging the IS, but due to constraints from upper levels, are unable to do so. The study’s findings suggest that the combination of grassroots civil society efforts in mobilizing the urban IS alongside the provision of well resourced, accountable capacities of lower tiers of municipal government can generate low cost sustainable solutions to urban service delivery. Evidence also points to the benefits of civil society’s engagement with lower tiers of government to ensure that upper-level bureaucrats are held accountable for ill-conceived policy and its failures. The research shows that before success in national and provincial policy reforms can be expected, emphasis of policy has to be on the recognition and development of interactions between the IS and lower tiers of the state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Aris Setiawan

This research aims to determine the historical construction of criticism and propaganda formed in Kidungan Jula-juli performance in each era. Kidungan is a song in the Gending Jula-juli in East Java. The musical text presented in the song seems to be open (blak-blakan [openness]), assertive, and emotionally becomes the power of criticism. Historical issues concerning the function of Kidungan Jula-juli are interesting enough to be known, thus encouraging this study to get a basic and detailed understanding of the historical stages of the role of Kidungan Jula-juli from the Japanese era to the reformation era. This study using a historical approach and emphasizes the problem of music function. The analysis was carried out by looking at the ideas, concepts, and cultural references that accompanied the performance of Kidungan Jula-juli. The results of this study indicate the dynamics of the function of criticism and propaganda in Kidungan Jula-juli. During the Japanese occupation era, Kidungan Jula-juli was very sharp in its role as an instrument of the independence movement; from 1950 to 1965, Kidungan Jula-juli was used by political parties to strengthen political support and propaganda. In the New Order Era, kidungan lost the function of criticism.  The state controlled it for the sake of propaganda and the legitimacy of power.  Kidungan Jula-juli is more open and present on a stage with other performing arts in the era of the reform order.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Edward B. Douthett ◽  
Jonathan E. Duchac ◽  
Arthur Petzel

ABSTRACT Internal Revenue Code §179D provides accelerated tax deductions to building owners that invest in energy efficient building improvements. However, the value of this incentive for government building owners is limited as these entities are tax exempt. §179D(d)(4) allows state and local governments to realize a portion of these benefits by transferring their §179D deductions to a qualified, taxable, private sector entity in exchange for compensation. This compensation can be used to reduce the governmental entity's cost of energy efficient investments, allowing them and, ultimately, taxpayers to benefit from this incentive. In practice, disagreement exists over a governmental entity's right to compensation in exchange for §179D(d)(4) transfers. These differences have become more visible in recent years, resulting in policy changes by state and local governments, and litigation by state agencies that had not been compensated for these transfers. We contribute to this debate by reviewing and evaluating (1) the arguments against providing compensation in exchange for §179D(d)(4) transfers, (2) the state constitutionality of uncompensated §179D(d)(4) transfers, and (3) recent litigation and policy changes. Our analysis finds little support for arguments against compensated transfers, and a reasonable argument that compensated transfers may be required under most state constitutions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 57-72
Author(s):  
Cuong Nguyen ◽  
Thanh Phan

This chapter examines Vietnam’s campaign against Covid-19. When the coronavirus outbreak emerged in the Chinese city of Wuhan, the government of Vietnam considered it a highly contagious disease and immediately implemented all necessary measures to protect people from the emerging pandemic, even if these strict measures resulted in massive economic losses. The chapter then introduces the regulatory framework which enabled the government and other non-state actors in Vietnam to fight the epidemic effectively. It also discusses how Vietnam contained the spread of the virus in practice from the perspectives of health and medical policy, information and technology, economic policy, and international cooperation. Ultimately, Vietnam’s unique response derives from four factors: (1) the policy that prioritized public health over economic considerations; (2) Vietnam’s having been well prepared for dealing with contagious diseases since the SARS outbreak in 2003 and the government immediately introducing strict measures to prevent the spread of Covid-19 when it emerged in China; (3) the legal framework specifying the roles of the central and local governments to avoid any bureaucratic delays in making decisions in an epidemic; and (4) the government flexibly combining coercive means with deliberate action, public education, effective governance, and effective coordination with the community and the private sector.


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