scholarly journals Polsko-amerykańska współpraca miast

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-113
Author(s):  
Marcin Frenkel

The article analyzes contemporary cooperation of Polish and American cities. Thus, it contributes to the research on the participation of non-state actors in the international relations. Currently, only 10 Polish cities conduct active cooperation with partners from the USA. These relationships focus on cooperation on issues such as culture, art, science and business. In most cases, these contacts were initiated by the Polish side, and they were based primarily on direct interpersonal contacts. Most partnership agreements were signed in the 1990s and resulted from the collapse of the Soviet block and deep political changes in Poland. Currently, the main obstacles to the intensification of these local governments transatlantic relations is a weak American involvement, geographic distance and a lack of state support.

2011 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Faruk Ekmekci

The conventional approach in the discipline of International Relations is to treat terrorist organizations as "non-state" actors of international relations. However, this approach is problematic due to the fact that most terrorist organizations are backed or exploited by some states. In this article, I take issue with the non-stateness of terrorist organizations and seek to answer the question of why so many states, at times, support terrorist organizations. I argue that in the face of rising threats to national security in an age of devastating wars, modern nation states tend to provide support to foreign terrorist organizations that work against their present and imminent enemies. I elaborate on my argument studying three cases of state support for terrorism: Iranian support for Hamas, Syrian support for the PKK, and American support for the MEK. The analyses suggest that, for many states, terror is nothing but war by other means.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-30
Author(s):  
Habib Alfarisi

Paradiplomacy is a diplomatic relationship carried out by non-state actors. Paradiplomacy is one part of international relations in the modern era, and that international relations in the present era is not state-centric or centered only on the state, but also on non-state actors such as individuals or even local governments. The cooperation between Kyoto Prefecture and the government of the Special Region of Yogyakarta is one form of paradiplomacy, which is called the Sister City. Sister Province itself is a collaboration either engaged in politics or economics or both carried out between two regional governments that have the same problems and views and the cooperation carried out is aimed at solving problems that exist between the two cities. The cooperation between the Special Region of Yogyakarta and Kyoto is one of the Sister Province collaborations which is said to be quite productive and produces many things that benefit both parties. In this paper, the author will try to explain the cooperation carried out by the two parties in detail and explain the past and future that can be done by both parties involved in the cooperation. The author uses data from 2015-2020. The author assumes that the Sister City cooperation between DIY and Kyoto produces many productive things. The author uses a descriptive-analytic method. Keywords : Sister Province, Yogyakarta, Kyoto, Paradiplomacy, Transnational


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 09016
Author(s):  
Susiatiningsih Hermini ◽  
Farabi Nadia ◽  
Paramasatya Satwika ◽  
Puspapertiwi Sheiffi

Democratization in developing countries triggered by globalization has led decentralization. Post New-Order Indonesia chose decentralization as its policy to improve democratization, allowing transfer of authority to its local governments, thus raises roles taken by sub-state actors, including in international relations. States, regions, provinces and cities seek their way to promote trade, investments, cooperation, and in some cases, political support, through cross-borders contacts with their international counterparts. The phenomenon which later understood as “paradiplomacy” is thus defined as communication conducted by sub-state actors aimed to promote identity and or pursuing local interests. This study analyze how Semarang, as a melting pot city in Java, positioned itself in international community and develop its own paradiplomacy. The study finds that Municipal Government of Semarang with authority expanded by decentralization uses paradiplomacy as a mean to achieve economic interest, especially to expand market and attract foreign investment, with its environmental issue that remains left-behind. The prototype of paradiplomacy is found in “SemBiz”, annual expo in trade and investment held by Municipal Government of Semarang. Not only serves economic development in Semarang, paradiplomacy is also utilized to preserve, if not strengthen, its locality as integral part of Semarang's identity.


Author(s):  
Michael Zürn

In this chapter, authority is developed as key concept for analyzing the global governance system. Max Weber’s foundational treatment is used to capture the paradox involved in the notion of “voluntary subordination.” Building on this foundation, the concept of reflexive authority is elaborated in contrast to two other concepts that have prevailed in international relations so far. The argument is laid out against the background of the global governance context, one in which the authority holders are in many respects weaker than most state actors. Two types of reflexive authority are identified: epistemic and political authority. Finally, the interplay between different authorities in global governance is analyzed to identify the major features of the global governance system. It is—to put it in the shortest possible form—a system of only loosely coupled spheres of authorities that is not coordinated by a meta-authority and lacks a proper separation of powers.


1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Perry Moore

This research provides information about the health care cost containment efforts of local governments and agencies across the United States, particularly in large American cities. Survey results indicate that while the public sector lags behind the private sector, public agencies are beginning to match the cost containment efforts of private employers. While initiation of these efforts represents considerable recent progress, their tangible benefits are not yet apparent.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-81
Author(s):  
Tim Stevens ◽  
Camino Kavanagh

This chapter provides a conceptual and analytical framework for the understanding of ‘cyber power’ in the theory and practice of international relations. Cyber power is the product of relationships between actors, rather than a material quantity that can be possessed and converted into strategic outcomes. This chapter identifies four forms of cyber power that arise from different configurations of state and non-state actors: compulsory, institutional, structural, and productive. Analysis of national cyber strategies shows how states develop, leverage, and exploit their relationships with the actors and structures of the international system to generate cyber power in pursuit of their strategic objectives. Cyber power should therefore be understood as a multiplicity of forms of power in and through cyberspace, not as a singular concept or practice. Moreover, cyber power should be framed within broader conceptualizations of power, rather than treated as somehow distinct and discrete.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volker Roelcke

The article describes the emergence of research programmes, institutions and activities of the early protagonists in the field of psychiatric genetics: Ernst Rüdin in Munich, Eliot Slater in London, Franz Kallmann in New York and Erik Essen-Möller in Lund. During the 1930s and well into the Nazi period, the last three had been research fellows at the German Research Institute for Psychiatry in Munich. It is documented that there was a continuous mutual exchange of scientific ideas and practices between these actors, and that in all four contexts there were intrinsic relations between eugenic motivations and genetic research, but with specific national adaptations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 711-729
Author(s):  
Tvrtko Jolić ◽  

Balcanica ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 243-268
Author(s):  
Predrag Simic

Nearly ten years since the 1999 NATO military intervention against Serbia and the establishment of UN administration, Kosovo and Metohija has resurfaced as a topical issue in international politics, separating the positions of the USA and Russia, and becoming a precedent in international relations, possibly with far-reaching consequences not only for the future of the western Balkans but also for many territorial disputes worldwide. Russia has only recently pulled herself out of the years-long Chechnya crisis, and facing similar problems in her 'new neighborhood' (Abkhazia, South Ossetia Transdniestria), is among the countries that might be affected by this precedent. Secondly, with her bad experience in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, Russia has become sensitive not only to any disturbance in the balance of power in the Balkans but also to any change to the existing international order. Moscow has not forgotten that during the 1990s many Westerners saw Serbia as a 'metaphor for Russia' and that the NATO interventions against the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995) and against Serbia (1999) revealed Russia's weakness, sending her the message to give up her interests in the Balkans and Europe. Thirdly, diverging American and Russian policies on Kosovo and Metohija coincide with their strained relations over the deployment of an antimissile 'shield' in Poland and the Czech Republic, the war in Iraq, policy towards Iran and other issues currently at the top of the list of international problems. Fourthly, meanwhile Russia has managed to recover from the disintegration of the USSR and to consolidate her economic and political power in Europe and the world, owing above all to oil and gas exports, but also to the export of industrial products (military in particular). The precedent that an independent Kosovo and Metohija would constitute in international relations is therefore a test of Russia's role as a permanent member of the UN Security Council. She has found herself in the role of the defender of the fundamental principles of international law such as the inviolability of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the UN members.


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