Spatiotemporal Models of Ethnic Segregation and Their Implications for Housing Policy

1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 1415-1433 ◽  
Author(s):  
R I Woods

A number of models have been developed to simulate the changing segregation of ethnic groups in urban areas. Of these the ‘tipping point’ and ‘spatial diffusion’ models have been the most widely employed. This discussion presents a general evaluation of the effectiveness of such models and outlines an attempt to simulate changing segregation patterns by combining in-migration, diffusion, and housing structure elements. The simulation is tested with data for Birmingham, England, in the 1960s and 1970s. The general implications of the model for future government and local authority housing policies toward ethnic groups are also considered.

Author(s):  
Blake Slonecker

In the decade after 1965, radicals responded to the alienating features of America’s technocratic society by developing alternative cultures that emphasized authenticity, individualism, and community. The counterculture emerged from a handful of 1950s bohemian enclaves, most notably the Beat subcultures in the Bay Area and Greenwich Village. But new influences shaped an eclectic and decentralized counterculture after 1965, first in San Francisco’s Haight-Ashbury district, then in urban areas and college towns, and, by the 1970s, on communes and in myriad counter-institutions. The psychedelic drug cultures around Timothy Leary and Ken Kesey gave rise to a mystical bent in some branches of the counterculture and influenced counterculture style in countless ways: acid rock redefined popular music; tie dye, long hair, repurposed clothes, and hip argot established a new style; and sexual mores loosened. Yet the counterculture’s reactionary elements were strong. In many counterculture communities, gender roles mirrored those of mainstream society, and aggressive male sexuality inhibited feminist spins on the sexual revolution. Entrepreneurs and corporate America refashioned the counterculture aesthetic into a marketable commodity, ignoring the counterculture’s incisive critique of capitalism. Yet the counterculture became the basis of authentic “right livelihoods” for others. Meanwhile, the politics of the counterculture defy ready categorization. The popular imagination often conflates hippies with radical peace activists. But New Leftists frequently excoriated the counterculture for rejecting political engagement in favor of hedonistic escapism or libertarian individualism. Both views miss the most important political aspects of the counterculture, which centered on the embodiment of a decentralized anarchist bent, expressed in the formation of counter-institutions like underground newspapers, urban and rural communes, head shops, and food co-ops. As the counterculture faded after 1975, its legacies became apparent in the redefinition of the American family, the advent of the personal computer, an increasing ecological and culinary consciousness, and the marijuana legalization movement.


Author(s):  
James M. Burns

The history of moving images in Africa dates to the late 19th century, when the first films premiered in South Africa shortly after their world debut in Paris. By 1940 cinema had become a staple of public leisure in urban areas across the continent. In the postwar era cinema’s popularity grew in cities and began to make inroads into rural areas. In the 1930s, colonial administrators started producing didactic films for African consumption. Before the Second World War, the majority of films made for African audiences were produced by administrators in British territories. In the postwar era other colonial governments got involved to varying degrees in the project to educate Africans through film. Films for African education continued to be produced and distributed in the postcolonial era by governments and international aid organizations. The earliest commercial film industry in Africa emerged in South Africa during the silent era. Elsewhere, indigenous production did not begin until the late colonial period. Television came relatively late to Africa, premiering in Nigeria during the waning days of colonial rule and being introduced gradually during the 1960s and 1970s in most nations. The initial reach of television was limited by the poverty of most Africa consumers, and African governments produced few original television programs before 2000. The economic crisis that gripped postcolonial Africa in the 1960s shuttered many urban cinemas and limited television’s reach at a time when it was expanding globally. During this period African artists, frequently with the financial assistance of Western governments, and technical training on both sides of the iron curtain, began producing their own films. A central concern of these pioneering artists was to provide a response to the negative depictions of Africa that were a staple of Western commercial cinema. The distribution of these films was limited on the continent, though many received critical acclaim when shown at film festivals in Europe and North America. In the 1980s audiences in West Africa became consumers of a new genre of moving image, video films, which were produced on limited budgets in urban areas in West Africa. The advent of satellite television services in the 1990s made moving images increasingly accessible to African people across the continent. The end of apartheid in 1990 also proved a fillip to cinema and television production in southern Africa. In the 21st century the availability of visual images has expanded across the continent, as individual ownership of televisions has risen broadly and mobile phone technology has made moving images available to many other consumers.


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-26

In comparison with other ethnic groups in the U.S., the Arab-American community has received little study. In part this is due, no doubt, to its relatively small size, which is estimated to be about one and one half to two millions. Recently however, there has been an ethnic revival in the urban areas of the U.S. It became obvious in the late ’60s and early ‘70’s that many members of ethnic groups had not “melted”, had not lost their pride and cultural values, and that some had been forced to be ashamed of their foreign origin in public, and lived in a form of dual existence. The politics of ethnicity, always a part of the American class and political structure, also became more publically discussed in the 1960s. In large part this was due to the success of the Black expressions of identity and unity, but in the case of the Middle Eastern Arab communities, it was also in response to the conflicts in the Mid-East, and to the U.S. policies in relation to those conflicts. The heavy governmental support of the expanding settler state of Israel, and the inability to find expression of the Arab side through the mass media caused a growing alienation from U.S. policies and a new feeling of cultural and political awareness. This was particularly true after the 1967 Mid-East War, and more recently as a result of such a policy as Operation Boulder, a special surveillance policy instituted by President Nixon which specifically included Arab “ethnics.” The October War and the oil situation has also added a new and different dimension. It should be added, that in certain of the social sciences, there is a renewed emphasis upon migration studies, both in the national and international context.


Author(s):  
Richard Harris ◽  
Ron Johnston

The book has examined ethnic segregation between English state schools and whether it has increased or decreased over the years since the last major data collection – the national Census of 2011. It has found that high levels of ethnic segregation do exist across schools between the majority White British population and some other ethnic groups such as the Bangladeshi and Pakistani, more so at the primary than secondary level of schooling, and more for those of greater affluence amongst the White British. However, the general trend has been towards desegregation and greater ethnic diversity within local authority areas and their schools. Because school intakes are broadly comparable in their ethnic composition to the characteristics of their surrounding neighbourhoods so as neighbourhoods have become more diverse so too have schools.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 209-232
Author(s):  
Dong-Choon Kim

In the 1950s, Christianity and educational achievement were the primary means for Koreans to break through the misery and powerlessness that the conflict from June 1950 to July 1953 had caused. Along with education, religion was a promising route in securing familial welfare for South Koreans. Among the several religions and denominations, Protestant churches were more popular for the uprooted people residing in urban areas. These two privately motivated daily activities—education and religion—captured the concern of the Korean people who had lost everything during the war. Under President Syngman Rhee’s “police state” and infrastructural ruin, religious and educational institutions filled the vacuum in the Republic of Korea that the Korean War had left in civil society. The Korean “habitus” of family promotion in the 1950s foretold the fast economic growth of the 1960s and 1970s. This paper will show how South Korea, during that decade, witnessed the formation of a new familialism, which tended to focus on the family’s fortune and money as a final goal. Ethical understandings and political decisions were secondary to the main priority of family promotion.


Ecology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael W. Strohbach ◽  
Boris Schröder

Humans have become an urban species, but this is a rather recent phenomena. The first cities appeared around six thousand years ago and while their number increased, their population remained relatively small. This changed in the industrial revolution and today cities are home to more than 50 percent of the world’s human population. Considering that most people live in cities and that ecology has been around for more than one hundred years, it seems obvious to have a subdiscipline called urban ecology. Not until the 1960s and 1970s, however, did urban ecology fully emerge and not until the 1990s did it become wildly popular. Most ecologists shunned urban areas, which have traditionally been viewed in opposition to natural, pristine, and wilderness places. It is true enough that water, air, and soil in cities are often polluted, open spaces are scarce and heavily managed, and communities resemble a wild mix of native and non-native species. It took a while until ecologists perceived this not just as a mess, but also as a research opportunity for understanding key ecological principles. Such principles are treated in separate Oxford Bibliographies in Ecology articles “Competition and Coexistence in Animal Communities,” “Metapopulations and Spatial Population Processes,” “Island Biogeography Theory,” “Succession,” and “Invasive Species.” The study of these phenomena is often referred to as ecology in cities. In the 1970s, a broader, interdisciplinary perspective took hold. It is often referred to as ecology of cities and understands urban areas as social-ecological systems. This shift in perspective stemmed from a recognition that people are influencing ecosystems everywhere on earth. In fact, cities are at the heart of many environmental problems and, therefore, they are a good place to look for solutions. Today, urban ecology is a key discipline for an urban planet. The need to adapt cities to climate change, maintain vegetation in the face of climate extremes, balance the need for development with the need for green space, or decrease the negative local-to-global environmental impacts of cities can be achieved without the interdisciplinary perspective urban ecology provides. This article gives an overview of the ever-increasing urban ecology literature. Of course, the list is subjective, reflecting our academic background, professional network, and research interest as well as our language skills. We acknowledge that we may have ignored important publications, published perhaps in a language we cannot read, or we may have focused too much on one topic and too little on another. We ask readers to understand these limitations and we encourage them to help us improve this article in the future.


Author(s):  
Colin Clarke

A survey of the frequency and seriousness of violence in Jamaica, focusing on the urban areas, has recently been carried out by Moser and Holland (1997). ‘While signiWcant distinctions occurred between communities, as well as between diVerent focus groups within communities, overall the groups ranked gang and gun violence as the most serious forms of violence, followed by rape and drug violence. Other interpersonal violence was the least serious, although it was the most prevalent type of violence in the communities (Moser and Holland 1997: 22). These conclusions, according to which people rank infrequent outbreaks of gun, gang, rape, and drug violence ahead of all other more common forms of urban violence in terms of their signiWcance is explained by the murder data. Between 1999 and 2001, there were more than 2,760 murders in Jamaica, and homicide rates in the vicinity of 40 murders per 100,000 inhabitants have placed Jamaica near the top of the list of countries with the highest incidence in the world. Yet in recent years the police have attributed only just over 10 per cent of murders to drug and gangland-related activity, the most prevalent categories of murder being related to robbery (25 per cent), domestic violence (32 per cent), and reprisal killings (33 per cent) (Headley 2002). Why has violence associated with guns, gangs, and drugs become so feared? Why has Jamaican politics, often held up as a shining example of post-colonial two-party democracy, been implicated in the development of gangs and guns? How did drugs enter the urban scene in Kingston, and how did Kingston, a Caribbean backwater in terms of global capitalism, become the nexus for international drug cartels? This chapter examines the link between post-colonial political patronage and violence in the context of the Kingston ghetto, home to the city’s most marginal population. It traces the development of key ghetto constituencies into garrison communities in the 1960s and 1970s; and explores the link between politics, gangs, and the development of the trade in ganja (marijuana).


1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 743-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Irfan

Economic progress entails various shifts in resource allocations. A progressive deployment of factors of production from the primary-goods-producing sector to secondary and tertiary sectors is regarded as a vital concomitant of economic transformation. This inter-sectoral transfer of resources, both human and capital, very often involves geographic transfer because of imbalances which manifest themselves u shortages or surpluses. Viewed in this context, migration performs a useful role by transferring excess labour from the agricultural (rural) to the modem industrial sector in urban areas. In fact, a vast amount of literature, under the rubric of the 'labour Surplus' models, has evolved, especially during the 1950s, in which migration is seen as an equilibrating and growth-promoting mechanism leading to reductions in wage differentials, equitable income distribution and elimination of surpluses and shortages. Evidence accumulated during the 1960s and 1970s has also shown that migration could lead to worsening geographic and socio-economic in~ ties. This has led quite a few scholars to characterize migration as a dis-equilibrating rather than an equilibrating mechanism. Not only are the theoretical possibilities Varied, but the empirical evidence is also mixed and inconclusive .


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 150-163
Author(s):  
Melinda Benkő ◽  
Bence Bene ◽  
Ádám Pirity ◽  
Árpád Szabó ◽  
Tamás Egedy

<p>The 21st century has brought fundamental changes in the development of cities, with the spread of ICT and the rise of digitalization. The new technologies are increasingly making their mark on urban planning and policy as well. The question of how contemporary urban planning is adapting to new challenges is particularly relevant as neighborhoods built in previous centuries and decades by traditional planning methods are now increasingly confronted with new public and environmental demands. Despite the bad reputation of Budapest’s 8th district, Józsefváros, based on the socio-economic and urban problems it has continuously faced in the past, the neighborhood has become one of the most dynamically developing urban areas in the last decade. From a planning point of view, an exciting area of the district is Szigony Street and its wider surroundings due to the strongly fragmented, heterogeneous urban fabric. Nevertheless, the only high-rise mass housing estate built in Budapest’s historic inner city in the 1960s and 1970s is located there. Our research used a complex methodology (document, content and database analysis, fieldwork, surveys with professionals, and interviews) to explore the planning history of the area’s development. Ultimately, the aim was to identify the most important outcomes and consequences of traditional and contemporary planning and design and whether modern digital planning can make a meaningful contribution to the development of the neighborhood. Our results show that urban planning and development in Budapest are still essentially based on traditional top-down approaches. Digitalization has a role to play primarily in visualization and contextualization but digitalizing of planning alone will not solve problems and past planning mistakes that affect the urban fabric of a neighborhood.</p>


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