scholarly journals The social networks and structural variation of Mississippian sociopolitics in the southeastern United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 116 (14) ◽  
pp. 6707-6712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Lulewicz
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Sociopolitical Organization ◽  
Relational Structures ◽  
Network Analyses ◽  
Southern Appalachian ◽  
Political Landscapes

Network approaches in archaeology offer a promising avenue for facilitating bottom-up, comparative approaches to sociopolitical organization. While recent applications have focused primarily on migration and demographic trends, identity and identity politics, and the dynamics of geopolitical and regional interaction, little in the way of comparative sociopolitical organization has been attempted. In this study, I present an alternative approach to the use of sociotypological models across southern Appalachia. In particular, I demonstrate the value in employing network analyses as a mode of formally and quantitatively comparing the relational structures and organizations of sociopolitical landscapes; in this case, those traditionally characterized as constellations of chiefdoms. By approaching southern Appalachian histories through the relationships upon which social, political, and economic institutions were actually built, I move the study of southeastern political systems beyond the use of models that emphasize the behaviors of elites and the ruling class as inspired by the ethnographic and ethnohistoric records. To these ends, using a robust regional ceramic dataset, I compare network histories and political landscapes for the southern Appalachian region between ca. AD 800 and 1650. The results of these analyses contribute insights to the study of small-scale political organizations by demonstrating that (i) as chiefdoms developed, leaders drew on preexisting social and political conditions; (ii) while networks of chiefly interaction were defined by instability, wider networks of interaction were much more durable; and (iii) quantitative network analyses and qualitative ethnohistoric accounts can articulate with one another to shed light on indigenous political organization.

scholarly journals The Communicative Constitution of Hate Organizations Online: A Semantic Network Analysis of “Make America Great Again”

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511879076 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean M. Eddington
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Network ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Network Analyses ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
White Supremacists ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
Communicative Constitution

In the context of the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election, President Donald Trump’s use of Twitter to connect with followers and supporters created unprecedented access to Trump’s online political campaign. In using the campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again” (or its acronym “MAGA”), Trump communicatively organized and controlled media systems by offering his followers an opportunity to connect with his campaign through the discursive hashtag. In effect, the strategic use of these networks over time communicatively constituted an effective and winning political organization; however, Trump’s political organization was not without connections to far-right and hate groups that coalesced in and around the hashtag. Semantic network analyses uncovered how the textual nature of #MAGA organized connections between hashtags, and, in doing so, exposed connections to overtly White supremacist groups within the United States and the United Kingdom throughout late November 2016. Cluster analyses further uncovered semantic connections to White supremacist and White nationalist groups throughout the hashtag networks connected to the central slogan of Trump’s presidential campaign. Theoretically, these findings contribute to the ways in which hashtag networks show how Trump’s support developed and united around particular organizing processes and White nationalist language, and provide insights into how these networks discursively create and connect White supremacists’ organizations to Trump’s campaign.

scholarly journals Spatio-temporal patterns and movement analysis of pigs from smallholder farms and implications for African swine fever spread, Limpopo province, South Africa

2015 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Folorunso O. Fasina ◽  
Japhta M. Mokoele ◽  
B. Tom Spencer ◽  
Leo A.M.L. Van Leengoed ◽  
Yvette Bevis ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Smallholder Farmers ◽  
Animal Health ◽  
African Swine Fever ◽  
Limpopo Province ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Network Analyses ◽  
Critical Control Points ◽  
Spatio Temporal ◽  
Disease Dispersal

Infectious and zoonotic disease outbreaks have been linked to increasing volumes of legal and illegal trade. Spatio-temporal and trade network analyses have been used to evaluate the risks associated with these challenges elsewhere, but few details are available for the pig sector in South Africa. Regarding pig diseases, Limpopo province is important as the greater part of the province falls within the African swine fever control area. Emerging small-scale pig farmers in Limpopo perceived pig production as an important means of improving their livelihood and an alternative investment. They engage in trading and marketing their products with a potential risk to animal health, because the preferred markets often facilitate potential longdistance spread and disease dispersal over broad geographic areas. In this study, we explored the interconnectedness of smallholder pig farmers in Limpopo, determined the weaknesses and critical control points, and projected interventions that policy makers can implement to reduce the risks to pig health. The geo-coordinates of surveyed farms were used to draw maps, links and networks. Predictive risks to pigs were determined through the analyses of trade networks, and the relationship to previous outbreaks of African swine fever was postulated. Auction points were identified as high-risk areas for the spread of animal diseases. Veterinary authorities should prioritise focused surveillance and diagnostic efforts in Limpopo. Early disease detection and prompt eradication should be targeted and messages promoting enhanced biosecurity to smallholder farmers are advocated. The system may also benefit from the restructuring of marketing and auction networks. Since geographic factors and networks can rapidly facilitate pig disease dispersal over large areas, a multi-disciplinary approach to understanding the complexities that exist around the animal disease epidemiology becomes mandatory.

scholarly journals Global Survey and Expressions of the Phosphate Transporter Gene Families in Brassica napus and Their Roles in Phosphorus Response

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 1752 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jin Yang ◽  
Jie Zhou ◽  
Hong-Jun Zhou ◽  
Mang-Mang Wang ◽  
Ming-Ming Liu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Brassica Napus ◽  
Expression Profiles ◽  
Phylogenetic Analyses ◽  
Functional Divergence ◽  
Gene Families ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Transporter Gene ◽  
Promoter Regions ◽  
Network Analyses ◽  
Group I

Phosphate (Pi) transporters play critical roles in Pi acquisition and homeostasis. However, currently little is known about these genes in oil crops. In this study, we aimed to characterize the five Pi transporter gene families (PHT1-5) in allotetraploid Brassica napus. We identified and characterized 81 putative PHT genes in B. napus (BnaPHTs), including 45 genes in PHT1 family (BnaPHT1s), four BnaPHT2s, 10 BnaPHT3s, 13 BnaPHT4s and nine BnaPHT5s. Phylogenetic analyses showed that the largest PHT1 family could be divided into two groups (Group I and II), while PHT4 may be classified into five, Groups I-V. Gene structure analysis revealed that the exon-intron pattern was conservative within the same family or group. The sequence characteristics of these five families were quite different, which may contribute to their functional divergence. Transcription factor (TF) binding network analyses identified many potential TF binding sites in the promoter regions of candidates, implying their possible regulating patterns. Collinearity analysis demonstrated that most BnaPHTs were derived from an allopolyploidization event (~40.7%) between Brassica rapa and Brassica oleracea ancestors, and small-scale segmental duplication events (~39.5%) in the descendant. RNA-Seq analyses proved that many BnaPHTs were preferentially expressed in leaf and flower tissues. The expression profiles of most colinearity-pairs in B. napus are highly correlated, implying functional redundancy, while a few pairs may have undergone neo-functionalization or sub-functionalization during evolution. The expression levels of many BnaPHTs tend to be up-regulated by different hormones inductions, especially for IAA, ABA and 6-BA treatments. qRT-PCR assay demonstrated that six BnaPHT1s (BnaPHT1.11, BnaPHT1.14, BnaPHT1.20, BnaPHT1.35, BnaPHT1.41, BnaPHT1.44) were significantly up-regulated under low- and/or rich- Pi conditions in B. napus roots. This work analyzes the evolution and expression of the PHT family in Brassica napus, which will help further research on their role in Pi transport.

scholarly journals Women in Transnational Migrant Activism: Supporting Social Justice Claims of Homeland Political Organizations

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liza Mügge
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Transnational Politics ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Kurdish Women ◽  
Narrow Definition ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Migrant Activism

This article studies the conceptions of social justice of women active in transnational migrant politics over a period of roughly 20 years in the Netherlands. The novel focus on migrant women reveals that transnational politics is almost completely male-dominated and -directed. Two of the exceptions found in this article include a leftist and a Kurdish women organization supporting the communist cause in the 1980s and the Kurdish struggle in the 1990s in Turkey, respectively. In both organizations gender equality was subordinated to broader ideologies of political parties in their homeland. Leftist activists in the cold war era supported a narrow definition of the "politics of redistribution," while and Kurdish activists, combined classical features of the latter with those of traditional identity politics.

scholarly journals Evaluating the Group Lending Development at the Vietnam Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development: A Case Study in Bac Giang Branch II

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 679-688
Author(s):  
Do Quang Giam ◽  
Dao Thi Hoang Anh ◽  
Vu Ngoc Huyen ◽  
Lai Phuong Thao ◽  
Dao Huu Bao ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Rural Development ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Group Lending ◽  
The Status ◽  
Lending Activity

Group-based lending is a form of loan provision for individuals and households in rural areas for production and consumption purposes. Proceeding from the imbalance between demand and supply on small-scale capital, and also Government policies on sustainable poverty reduction, the Vietnam Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (Agribank) has coordinated with its local authorities and socio-political organizations to provide loan services via group lending. The purpose of this paper was to evaluate the status of group lending development of the Agribank-Bac Giang Branch II. The paper used secondary data collected from the branch and primary data gathered from 50 representative customers and 10 credit officers related the group lending of the branch. Data analysis methods consisted of descriptive statistics and comparative analysis, incorporated with the measurements for bank performance and quality. The findings show positive prospects in both the bank and customers for the development of group lending activity and obstacles in the group lending development of the branch. The paper also proposes some solutions for the branch to tackle difficulties and promote the development of group lending in the branch in Bac Giang province.

Turkey

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Modern Development ◽  
Recurrent Theme

Turkey is a country that has been the outcome of domestic and global political, economic, societal challenges over two thousand years of massive transformations, from the nomadic Asian steppe to the Mediterranean agrarian world, to Islam, and to modernity, as well as from the cosmopolitan Ottoman ruling class to the modern Turkish nationalist elite and, recently, globalization and identity politics. Turkey’s history has been marked by confusion about the Ottoman Empire, which has been viewed as too European/Roman to be considered distinctly Asian and too Eastern to be considered European. Its successful centuries-long rule in Southeastern Europe has been a matter of curiosity, as has its turbulent modernization, which started pretty soon after the French Revolution. Its heir, the Turkish Republic, has been a typical modern state in accordance with the European political geography. Yet another recurrent theme has perhaps been the curious paradox of strong state and low state capacity. No matter whether foreign or domestic policy, economy or politics, history or present-day, (self-)perceptions and studies have oscillated between a strong Turkish state and its lower capacity on such issues as institutions, identity cleavages, class, gender, regional inequalities, protracted poverty and deprivation, and so on. Turkey has often been thought of as a latecomer to modern development, and this tension of missing and catching universal development has often been a recurrent theme since the Ottoman modernization in the 1830s or the proud new Republic’s substantial reforms in the 1920s, and at a level ranging from everyday life conversations to the highest level of official discourse. The political elite have often failed in state-society relations, but the country has often been subject to discussions on democratic consolidation; the economy has often been unstable, but it is still a member of the G20. In sum, the Republic of Turkey has been but one manifestation of world history: a modern state heir to a universal agrarian empire that disappeared like its fellows, a swift authoritarian modernization in the interwar years whose heritage still occupy minds, a Cold War security state that has developed in America-centered global capitalism, a post–Cold War state of neoliberal globalization trying to find its way in the turbulences of world politics and economy, with a failed desire of leadership in its neighborhood. Accordingly, the more than eighty sources cited and annotated here guide the readers through various manifestations of Turkey within historical, political, cultural, societal, economic, and foreign policy (with focus on the regional and the European dimensions) contexts. All in all, Turkish society has always been able to cope with all the above-mentioned challenges and manifestations, but it has been often very difficult for those earning and enjoying life with their honest labor.

Dynastic Genealogies from Tikal, Guatemala: Implications for Descent and Political Organization

1977 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. Haviland
Keyword(s):  
Political Authority ◽  
First Century ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Ancient Maya ◽  
Sociopolitical Organization ◽  
Important Data ◽  
Terminal Classic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Popular View ◽  
Patrilineal Descent

Building upon the work of several other people, Clemency Coggins has recently presented a tentative reconstruction of Tikal dynastic history, complete with a proposed genealogy of the rulers themselves. These are important data for any attempt to reconstruct the social and political organization of Tikal, and this paper explores their implications. The data are consistent with models of ancient Maya sociopolitical organization in which patrilineal descent, stratification, and strong central political authority were important. At Tikal, this seems to have been the case from the first century A.D. until Terminal Classic times. A currently popular view that, in Early Classic times, positions of prestige, power, and authority were open to anyone who had the necessary talent, wealth, and support is probably untenable, at least for Tikal.

A Research Definition of African Feudality

1962 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-310
Author(s):  
Jacques J. Maquet
Keyword(s):  
Political Organization ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Important Place ◽  
The Absolute ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Divine Kingship

Since African Political Systems, edited by Fortes and Evans-Pritchard in 1940, many monographs have been published on particular political organization of pre-colonial Africa. Some attempts have been made to synthesize these data in order to constitute a typology of African political organizations; for instance the segmentary type has been studied in Middleton's Tribes Without Rulers (1958), and the absolute monarchies have been given an important place by Murdock in his Africa (1959) and by others (e.g. P. Hadfield: Traits of Divine Kingship in Africa, London, 1949). Typological research falls within the historian's province if he is interested in the problem of uniformities in history.

scholarly journals Resource scarcity drives lethal aggression among prehistoric hunter-gatherers in central California

2016 ◽  
Vol 113 (43) ◽  
pp. 12120-12125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark W. Allen ◽  
Robert Lawrence Bettinger ◽  
Brian F. Codding ◽  
Terry L. Jones ◽  
Al W. Schwitalla
Keyword(s):  
Net Primary Productivity ◽  
Close Contact ◽  
Resource Scarcity ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Sociopolitical Complexity ◽  
Sociopolitical Organization ◽  
Central California ◽  
Political Complexity ◽  
Sharp Force ◽  
Lethal Aggression

The origin of human violence and warfare is controversial, and some scholars contend that intergroup conflict was rare until the emergence of sedentary foraging and complex sociopolitical organization, whereas others assert that violence was common and of considerable antiquity among small-scale societies. Here we consider two alternative explanations for the evolution of human violence: (i) individuals resort to violence when benefits outweigh potential costs, which is likely in resource poor environments, or (ii) participation in violence increases when there is coercion from leaders in complex societies leading to group level benefits. To test these hypotheses, we evaluate the relative importance of resource scarcity vs. sociopolitical complexity by evaluating spatial variation in three macro datasets from central California: (i) an extensive bioarchaeological record dating from 1,530 to 230 cal BP recording rates of blunt and sharp force skeletal trauma on thousands of burials, (ii) quantitative scores of sociopolitical complexity recorded ethnographically, and (iii) mean net primary productivity (NPP) from a remotely sensed global dataset. Results reveal that sharp force trauma, the most common form of violence in the record, is better predicted by resource scarcity than relative sociopolitical complexity. Blunt force cranial trauma shows no correlation with NPP or political complexity and may reflect a different form of close contact violence. This study provides no support for the position that violence originated with the development of more complex hunter-gatherer adaptations in the fairly recent past. Instead, findings show that individuals are prone to violence in times and places of resource scarcity.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON CLASSIC MAYA SOCIAL ORGANIZATION FROM CARACOL, BELIZE

2004 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Z. Chase ◽  
Arlen F. Chase
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
Social Organization ◽  
Classic Maya ◽  
Classic Period ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Archaeological Record ◽  
Middle Ground ◽  
Sociopolitical Organization ◽  
The Past ◽  
Segmentation Models

Inferring ancient social and political organization from the archaeological record is a difficult task. Generally, the models used to interpret the Classic-period Maya (a.d.250–900) have been borrowed from other societies and other times and thus also reflect etic conceptions of the past. Maya social and political organization has been interpreted as varying in complexity. Those who would model a less complex Classic Maya social structure have tended to employ lineage models and segmentation. Models of a more complex Classic Maya civilization focus on different social levels and on a breakdown of some kinship systems. Other models, such as that of the “noble house,” represent attempts to find a middle ground. Yet archaeological and epigraphic data that have been gathered for the Classic Maya place parameters on any interpretation that is generated. Data collected from Caracol, Belize, over the past 19 years can be used to illustrate the problems that arise in the strict application of “ideal” social models to the Classic Maya situation. These same data also provide parameters for the reconstruction of ancient sociopolitical organization.

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