The syntax and interpretation of embedded null subjects in Chinese, and their acquisition by English-speaking learners

2011 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 191-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy Xia Zhao
Keyword(s):  
Judgment Task ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
The Government ◽  
Advanced Proficiency ◽  
L1 And L2 ◽  
Matrix Subject

This article reports an investigation of embedded null subjects in both L1 and L2 Chinese. Chinese null embedded subjects can refer either to a matrix subject or to a discourse entity. In the Government-Binding (GB) framework, these two possibilities resulted from the null subject being either pro or a variable. Neither pro nor a variable is compatible with the assumptions of the more recent Minimalist Program, however. This article proposes an alternative account for null embedded subjects in Chinese that is consistent with the Minimalist Program: deletion of the anaphor ziji and deletion of a topic under identity with appropriate antecedents. It then reports a study of knowledge of such deletion in the Chinese of L2 speakers. Although the existing literature has found that embedded null subjects are allowed by L2 learners of Chinese at early stages of development, no research has investigated whether they are interpreted in a target-like way by L2 speakers. A picture judgment task and a written interpretation task showed that English-speaking learners of high-intermediate proficiency in Chinese allow an embedded null subject to refer to the matrix subject, but not to a discourse entity. It is only at advanced proficiency that L2 speakers allow co-reference with both a matrix subject and a discourse entity. The implications of these results are discussed.

ASYMMETRY OF NULL SUBJECTS AND NULL OBJECTS IN CHINESE SPEAKERS' L2 ENGLISH

1997 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boping Yuan
Keyword(s):  
Null Subjects ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Chinese Speakers ◽  
Null Objects ◽  
Null Object ◽  
Chinese Learners ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
L1 Acquisition ◽  
Chinese And English

One of the differences between Chinese and English is that the former allows both null subjects in finite sentences and null objects, but the latter allows neither. This cross-linguistic variation is believed to be related to the underspecification of I and topic drop in Chinese but not in English. This paper reports on an empirical study investigating the unlearning of null subjects and null objects by 159 Chinese learners in their L2 acquisition of English. In L1 acquisition, it has been found that English-speaking children display an asymmetry by frequently allowing null subjects but rarely null objects. The results of this study indicate that there is an asymmetry in Chinese learners' L2 English, which, however, is opposite to that found in English L1 acquisition: Chinese learners are able to reject the incorrect null subject in English, but unable to detect the ungrammaticality of the null object. It is proposed that the unlearning of null subjects by Chinese learners of English is triggered by the evidence in their input indicating the specification of AGR(eement) and T(ense) in English, and that the difficulty in the unlearning of null objects is related to the lack of informative evidence to unset the [+ topic-drop] setting in Chinese learners' L2 English.

A minimalist approach to null subjects and objects in second language acquisition

2004 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyeson Park
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Second Language Acquisition ◽  
Language Acquisition ◽  
Feature Learning ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Null Objects ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Korean Type

Studies of the second language acquisition of pronominal arguments have observed that: (1) L1 speakers of null subject languages of the Spanish type drop more subjects in their second language (L2) English than first language (L1) speakers of null subject languages of the Korean type and (2) speakers of Korean-type languages drop more objects than subjects in their L2 English. An analysis of these two asymmetries is conducted within the Minimalist Program framework (MP), which hypothesizes that language acquisition involves the learning of formal features of a target language.I propose, based on Alexiadou and Anagnostopoulou (1998), that the licensing of null subjects is conditioned by the interpretability of agreement features. When a language has [+interpretable] agreement features, raising of the verb to T (X-movement) satisfies the EPP requirement: hence, a null subject is allowed. On the other hand, in a language with [-interpretable] agreement features, the subject is obligatory since merger of the subject in the specifier of TP (XP-merge) is required to check the EPP feature. Learning of the obligatory status of English subjects is easier for Korean learners than for Spanish speakers since syntactically both English and Korean have the same feature value [-interpretable] (although null subjects are allowed in Korean for pragmatic reasons). Spanish has the opposite syntactic feature value [+interpretable] and resetting of this is more difficult. Licensing of null objects is hypothesized to be related to the strength of theta-features. Languages with strong theta-features, such as English and Spanish, do not allow null objects, whereas languages with weak theta-features like Korean allow null objects. It takes time for Korean speakers to learn the different value of English theta-features, resulting in the extended null object period in L2 English of Korean L1 speakers.

The adjective in Dutch-French codeswitching: Word order and agreement

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 454-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Vanden Wyngaerd
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Point Scale ◽  
Grammaticality Judgment ◽  
Grammaticality Judgments ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Minimalist Approach ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Points Of View

Aims and Objectives: This paper investigates the word order and adjectival agreement patterns in French-Dutch codeswitched Determiner Phrases (DPs). It examines the predictions made by two theoretical points of view: the approach by MacSwan (2009) within the Minimalist Program (MP) and the Matrix Language Framework (MLF) (Myers-Scotton & Jake, 2009). Methodology: The predictions of these frameworks are compared to data gathered in a grammaticality judgment task. In total, 120 codeswitched sentences were presented aurally to participants, who were asked to rate the sentences on a three-point scale. Originality: While some previous work on word order within codeswitched DP’s exists, this paper is the first study investigating the adjectival agreement patterns in codeswitching. Data and Analysis: Statistical analysis of the data showed that the MacSwan approach is a better predictor for the grammaticality judgments, as sentences predicted to be grammatical by the MP were rated higher than sentences predicted to be ungrammatical by the same model. This difference was statistically significant. There was no significant difference in rating for the predictions of the MLF. Conclusions: The results of the judgment task in combination with the results of previous research on codeswitching highlight the importance of a combination of data from both naturalistic and experimental settings. Implications: The predictions of the Minimalist approach have the upper hand over the predictions of the MLF. However, it remains is important to integrate results from other experimental methodologies, such as naturalistic data and results from psycholinguistic and neurolinguistic studies.

Embedded null subjects in Capeverdean

2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOÃO COSTA ◽  
FERNANDA PRATAS
Keyword(s):  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Matrix Clause ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
The Status ◽  
Embedded Contexts

The status of Capeverdean as apro-drop language is controversial. Baptista (2002) contends that this Portuguese-based creole has null referential subjects with some types of predicates, while Pratas (2002, 2007) proposes that it has only expletive null subjects. She argues that the rare cases of root null subjects can be analyzed as instances of null expletives. The aim of this paper is to show that in Capeverdean there is an asymmetry in the distribution of null referential subjects. These are ruled out in root contexts, but allowed in some embedded contexts; this is the case when the null subject is bound by awh-operator or a quantifier. Following Holmberg's (2005) and Holmberg, Nayudu & Sheehan's (2009) analysis of null subjects, we offer an analysis of Capeverdean null subjects exploring the properties of T in the language (in particular, the lack of a rich inflectional system), the syntax of subjects, and the type of null category available. We claim that Capeverdean embedded null subjects are variables, licensed by an operator in the matrix clause. We show that these specific properties explain minimal differences between null subjects in Capeverdean and Brazilian Portuguese.

Clitics and object expression in the L3 acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese: Structural similarity matters for transfer

2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvina Montrul ◽  
Rejanes Dias ◽  
Hélade Santos
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Studies ◽  
Structural Similarity ◽  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
Third Language ◽  
Oral Production ◽  
Null Objects ◽  
L3 Acquisition ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
L1 And L2

This article addresses the role of previously acquired languages in the acquisition of a third language (L3) in two experimental studies on object expression in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Participants were English-speaking learners of BP as L3 with knowledge of Spanish as a second language (L2) and Spanish-speaking learners of BP with knowledge of English as L2. Like Spanish, BP has object clitic pronouns, but there are important differences between the two languages with respect to the rates of clitics used in spoken and written registers, null objects and the position of clitics with respect to the verb. English, by contrast, lacks object clitics. Study 1 tested use of clitics and other objects in an oral production task. Study 2 tested knowledge of clitic placement in a written acceptability judgment task. The general results of the two studies show that acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese object expression is not very problematic but there are transfer effects from Spanish (as L1 and L2) in the two experimental groups. This result suggests that structural similarity or cross-linguistic correspondences matter in L3 acquisition.

scholarly journals An Exploratory Study of the Effect of Spanish Immersion Education on the Acquisition of Pronominal Subjects in Child Heritage Speakers

Languages ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Michele Goldin
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
Bilingual Children ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Heritage Speakers ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Bilingual Speakers ◽  
Immersion Education ◽  
English Dominant

Studies have found that aspects of grammar that lie at the syntax–pragmatics interface, such as the use of pronominal subjects in null-subject languages, are likely to undergo cross-linguistic influence in bilingual speakers. This study contributes to our understanding of the role of Spanish immersion academic instruction on the comprehension of null subjects in English-dominant, Spanish-heritage children living in the United States. Two groups of bilingual children aged 4 to 7 (those attending a Spanish immersion school and those not) completed an acceptability judgment task in both English and Spanish. English monolingual children and monolingually raised Spanish children of the same ages also completed the task in their respective languages. The findings revealed that children in the Spanish immersion school performed on par with their monolingual peers in Spanish, but accepted significantly more ungrammatical null subjects in English than the other groups. These results suggest that immersion schooling plays a role in extending the English null subject stage in bilingual children due to competing input and cross-linguistic influence.

Interpretation of Chinese overt and null embedded arguments by English-speaking learners

2012 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy Xia Zhao
Keyword(s):  
Judgment Task ◽  
Syntactic Category ◽  
L2 Acquisition ◽  
Argument Position ◽  
Positive Evidence ◽  
L2 Chinese ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Discourse Interface

It has been proposed that external interfaces are vulnerable to residue optionality, whereas pure syntax and internal interfaces are acquirable in second language (L2) acquisition (Sorace, 2005, 2011; Sorace and Filiaci, 2006). The proposal was tested in this article through the interpretation of overt and null embedded arguments in L2 Chinese grammars. The article identifies two types of null elements in Chinese: Øziji and Øtopic. Øziji is a purely syntactic category, whereas Øtopic is a syntax–discourse interface category. Being a D-pronoun, ta ‘he/him’ can refer to either the matrix subject or a discourse entity in the embedded argument position. Its interpretation involves lexicon–syntax and syntax–semantics internal interfaces. Results from a picture judgment task showed that external interfaces were acquired as well as pure syntax and internal interfaces, which supports the claims of Ivanov, 2009; Iverson et al., 2008; Kraš, 2008; Rothman, 2007, 2009; Slabakova and Ivanov, 2011. In addition, Øtopic was acquired at different states in different sentence positions. This supports the claim that interface categories should not be considered holistically (Yuan, 2010). The article further speculates that cross-linguistic influence and the nature of the possible positive evidence may have contributed to the difference here in terms of representation and/or processing.

scholarly journals On some null subject parameter-related properties in the L3 acquisition of brazilian portuguese (Sobre algumas propriedades relacionadas ao parâmetro do sujeito nulo na aquisição do português brasileiro como L3 )

2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvina Montrul ◽  
Rejane Dias ◽  
Hélade Santos
Keyword(s):  
Language Change ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
Control Group ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
L3 Acquisition ◽  
Null Subject Parameter ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
L1 English

As language undergoing language change, Brazilian Portuguese presents characteristics of both pro-drop and non-pro drop systems. This study investigates the acquisition of two properties assumed to be related to the null subject parameter—clitic-climbing and the that-t effect—by adult learners of Brazilian Portuguese who speak a pro-drop language (Spanish) (n = 11) and a non pro-drop language (English) (n =19) as either L1 or L2. Results of an acceptability judgment task showed that the non-native speakers overall converged on the grammars of the Brazilian Portuguese control group (n =19), but there were transfer effects from Spanish for the L1-Spanish speaking learners and from both Spanish and English in the L1-English speaking learners. We discuss the implications of these findings for the role of transfer in L3 acquisition.KEYWORDS: Null subject parameter. L3 acquisition. Brazilian Portuguese. RESUMO O português brasileiro, por estar em processo de mudanças, apresenta características tanto de sistemas pro-drop quanto de sistemas não pro-drop. Este estudo investiga a aquisição de duas propriedades que se assume que estão relacionadas ao parâmetro do sujeito nulo – a subida de clítico e o efeito that-t– por adultos aprendizes do português brasileiro, falantes de uma língua pro-drop (espanhol) (n = 11) e de uma língua não pro-drop (inglês) (n = 19), seja como L1 ou como L2. Os resultados de um teste de julgamento de aceitabilidade mostraram que, em geral, os falantes não nativos tenderam à/se aproximaram da gramática do grupo de controle formado por falantes de português brasileiro (n = 19). Porém, observaram-se efeitos de transferência do espanhol para os aprendizes falantes nativos de espanhol e transferências de ambas as línguas, espanhol e inglês, para os aprendizes falantes nativos de inglês. Discutimos as implicações destes resultados para o papel da transferência na aquisição de L3.PALAVRAS-CHAVES: Parâmetro do sujeito nulo. Aquisição de L3. Português brasileiro.

Null Subject in Lubukusu and the Extended Projection Principle

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Lonyangapuo Mary
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Content ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Argument Position ◽  
Null Subject ◽  
Extended Projection ◽  
Class 1 ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Negative Implication

<p class="1"><span lang="X-NONE">This paper analyses the null subject phenomenon in Lubukusu with special reference to the extended projection principle (EPP). The paper looks at conditions under which null subjects are allowed in this language. Lubukusu data is self-generated and the analysis is based on the principles and parameters approach (P&amp;P) and the Minimalist program (MP). From the analysis of the data generated, it is shown that null subjects in Lubukusu are syntactically active categories. Though covert, they are Arguments that carry semantic content, hence satisfying the EPP requirements. Null subjects occur in this language because of its rich morphology; that is, whenever the subject agreement features are marked on the verb or any of the determiners, then the overt subject can be dropped without any negative implication on the grammaticality of the structure. Being an Argument position, it is theta-marked and as such the unpronounced null subject is pro (a pronoun). This being the case, it is argued that Lubukusu is a consistent null subject language and that in null subject constructions, the EPP is observed.</span></p>

The acquisition of differential object marking in Spanish by Romanian speakers

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvina Montrul
Keyword(s):  
Native Speakers ◽  
Judgment Task ◽  
Language Transfer ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Written Production ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Advanced Proficiency ◽  
Ultimate Attainment ◽  
Acceptability Judgment

Abstract The obligatory use of the preposition ‘a’ with animate, specific direct objects in Spanish (Juan conoce a María “Juan knows Maria”) is a well-known instance of Differential Object Marking (dom). This study investigates the acquisition of dom by native speakers of Romanian learning Spanish. Spanish and Romanian have dom lexicalized in the prepositions ‘a’ (Spanish) and in ‘pe’ (Romanian). In the two languages dom is regulated by animacy and specificity. Thirty-two native speakers of Spanish and 36 Romanian-speaking learners of Spanish with advanced proficiency completed a written production, a written comprehension, and an acceptability judgment task. The results show that, in general, and unlike what has been found for English-speaking learners of Spanish, advanced Romanian learners of Spanish are successful at acquiring the feature specification and distribution of dom in Spanish. The findings are discussed with respect to the nature of ultimate attainment as a function of language transfer.

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