English or Greek language? State or ethnic identity?

2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitra Karoulla-Vrikki

Language planning in the domain of the courts in Cyprus is of interest because of the concealed salience placed upon the link between language and either state or ethnic identity. The article first examines the dominant role of English in court from 1960 until 1988 as reflecting Cyprocentric state identity associations. It then investigates the establishment of the use of Greek after the enactment of Law N.67/1988 brought the reversal of the linguistic situation. The law, which aimed at putting into action the provisions on language of the 1960 Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus and at safeguarding the use and protection of Greek, derived from Hellenocentric tendencies and its ultimate purpose was to foster Greek ethnic identity rather than to enhance the identity of the state of Cyprus. The above observations are illustrated in the analysis of the legislation on language in the courts, the linguistic situation in the judicial proceedings, and the court verdicts/judgments pertaining to language use. Finally, the article draws parallels between Fishman’s ‘nationism’ and ‘nationalism’ and the Greek-Cypriots’ language selections and identity orientations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021


Author(s):  
Anna Głąb

The article concerns the ethnic structure of the Russian Federation and the problems of national identity in the multiethnic state. A few distinct regions were identified based on ethnic, linguistic and religious components. They show that despite the Russian numerical superiority and the dominant role of Russian language and Russian culture, the Federation is a diverse state. Ethnocultural mosaics are situated throughout the state and it because of that any aspiration for larger autonomy or local separatism could destroy the Federation from the inside. A source for such aspirations may result from, for example, strong ethnic identity, which is especially important because of its naturalness, resulting from life and acting within constituent entities that were formed on the ethnic basis. The strength of ethnic identity resides in its stability, which played a significant role during the transformation period. On the other hand, the strong ethnic component in Russia is opposed to a weak civil identity, whose character is more formal. This second approach may be undermined by the results of public opinion polls. They show quite a strong and parallel identity with three groups: citizens at large, members of the same ethnic group and local community. In fact, it is difficult to precisely describe the dominant identity of the Russians. It is based on a peculiar dualism – ethnicity and citizenship.


2018 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Nataliya Khoma

The process of the formation of the party system of Cyprus was considered. The period from colonial to 1981 is covered. The factors that influenced the evolution of the parties of Cyprus, in particular the internal conflict, were underlined. Emphasizes the importance of the ethnic component of the population of Cyprus. The attention was paid to the role of the Orthodox Church in shaping the political system of Cyprus. The article analyzes the norms of the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus (1960) concerning political parties, in which the focus was on the parliamentary aspect of party activity. The role of Archbishop Makarios III, the first president of Cyprus, for the further evolution of the party system in the 1960–70s was revealed. Presented chronology of the appearance of the main parties of Cyprus and their participation in elections and coalitions. The article emphasizes that after the accession of Cyprus to the EU in 2004, the party system of the state is experiencing the trend of the newest European tendencies on the national party palette: the level of people’s confidence in the parties is decreasing, the party identity is blurred, the voter turnout is gradually decreasing, new types of parties are emerging, Radicalization is notable and so on. The party system of Cyprus is special, even if only within the EU there is a pro-communist party (Progressive Party of the Labor People of Cyprus), represented in the European Parliament, among the leading political forces. It was emphasized that the political parties of Cyprus until 1974 were purely electoral mechanisms. The new stage of development began with the stabilization of the post-colonial political system of Cyprus. At this time, the church lost its past influence, and the majoritarian electoral system alienated itself. This led to a new stage in the development of the party system in the late 1970s. It is noted that the determining factor was the transition to a proportional electoral system and the introduction of mandatory participation of voters in the vote. It was emphasized that these legislative innovations became important factors in the development of the modern party system of Cyprus. Since that time, the Cypriot parties have become more independent and united in the coalition.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 112E-127E
Author(s):  
Evridiki Papastavrou ◽  
Panayiota Andreou ◽  
Nicos Middleton ◽  
Anastasios Merkouris ◽  
Persefoni Lambrou ◽  
...  

Background and Purpose: Professional practice environments have been correlated with quality of care, patient, and nurse outcomes. There is a lack of translated versions of established instruments such as the Revised Professional Practice Environment questionnaire and this study presents the validation of this questionnaire in Greek. Methods: Translation, cultural adaptation, and factor analysis of the instrument were carried out. Three hundred ninety-three nurses from 5 hospitals of the Republic of Cyprus completed the instrument. Results: A 7-factor solution with 39 items accounted for 55.03% variance. The overall Cronbach's alpha was .89 and ranged between .69 and .84 for the individual factors. Conclusions: The testing of the translated version of the RPPE into Greek provides support for the validity and internal consistency of the instrument.


Semiotica ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 (215) ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Sonia Andreou ◽  
Stephanie Stylianou ◽  
Evripides Zantides

AbstractThe current study addresses the gender roles and the stereotypes produced in the context of Cypriot society, through their representations on postage stamps produced by the Republic of Cyprus from 1960 to 2013. The theoretical framework employed derives from relevant theories on social roles’ divisions based on gender, as well as the way these roles and stereotypes are expressed through images. The corpus has been analyzed by means of content analysis and semiotic analysis was employed in order to explore how the theoretical framework complies with selected stamps from the content analysis in respect of non-verbal signs. According to the findings, the role of women on stamp representations seems to be secondary and tied with emotional qualities, while men seem to hold a more prominent position in the society. This fact is reflected both on the quantity of stamps representing each gender in the respective thematic categories, as well as, on the selected stamps studied with semiotic analysis. Nonetheless, there have been strong indications that the social roles of genders and therefore stereotypes have started changing as the society progresses through the years. This process however, does not seem apparent on the imagery used for the stamps of the Republic of Cyprus.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 276-292
Author(s):  
Eiki Berg ◽  
Raul Toomla

Cyprus has been divided for far longer than it has been united. There have been many attempts to reconcile conflicting parties but without remarkable success. The two communities — Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots — see the solution to the “Cyprus problem” in opposite terms. Although recent public opinion surveys have concluded that the most preferred option for the Turkish Cypriots would be “independence of the TRNC” and “reunification of the country”, for the Greek Cypriots, there is much less information about the legitimacy of these competing regimes and their respective claims. This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying different legitimacy sources and their effect on the course of conflict settlement. Somewhat paradoxically it appears that those most strongly identifying themselves with the Republic of Cyprus, and approving the regime legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot government, are actually for status quo and not for the reunification of the country which makes the return to the partnership state mission impossible.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 872
Author(s):  
Monika Mazurek

After 1945, the Republic of Poland appeared to be an ethnic monolith. However, this was (is) not the case for the Kashubians, who now live in northern Poland on the Baltic Sea. Presently, Kashubians do not have official status; they are not considered an ethnic or national minority. They create their own identity around language, origin, inhabited territory, and religion. The latter serves to maintain a sense of community—to legitimise the Kashubian language, the axial value of Kashubian ethnic identity. Kashubian religiosity is frequently emphasized in the public space. The objective of this article is to analyse the role of the Catholic religion in building the ethnic identity of Kashubians and legitimizing constructed traditions by the Kashubian-Pomeranian Association. The main purpose of the article is to show the process of ethnicisation of religions. This ethnic non-governmental organisation is aspiring to represent the Kashubian community in the public space in Poland. The results from studies conducted among members of this organization, which concern their views on the link between religious and secular events organised by the Association, will also be presented.


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