Turkey’s post-colonial predicament and the perils of its Western-centric foreign policy (1955–1959)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Eray Alim
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
pp. 002088172110567
Author(s):  
Shubhamitra Das

Indo-Pacific has emerged as a region of great movement, conflict and cooperation, contestations and coalition-building. The emergence of minilateral and multilateral cooperation by the middle powers is increasing in the region, with the regional countries enthusiastically mapping the region focussing on their centrality. History proves that the role of middle-power countries became more prominent during the moments of international transition. The two contrasting powers like India and Australia; one with a post-colonial identity in foreign policy-making, subtle emphasis on non-aligned movement (NAM) and emerging as an influential power, and, on the other, a traditional middle power with an alliance structure and regionalism akin to the Western model, have equal stakes in the region and it is inevitable for them to take a leadership position in building what is called a middle power communion in the Indo-Pacific. This article will explore the understanding of middle powers and how India and Australia, as middle powers; are strategically placed and, being great powers within their respective regions; take the responsibility of region-building and maintaining peace with great powers, and how the Indo-Pacific and Quad are emerging as discourses within their foreign policy-making.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 14-30
Author(s):  
Ali A. Mazrui

The author’s interest in Africa’s relations with India goes back to his doctoral thesis at Oxford University, published under the title of Towards a Pax Africana. The impact of India upon twentieth century Africa has a special place for Gandhi’s strategies of civil disobedience and Nehru’s principle of nonalignment. Gandhi’s satyagraha (soul force) inspired African political figures as diverse as Nobel laureate Albert Luthuli of South Africa and Ivorian president Houphouet-Boigny. Nehru’s ideas about what used to be called “positive neutralism” helped to shape African approaches to foreign policy in the entire post-colonial era. The essay, published almost two decades ago, explored these historical dimensions in this prescient analysis.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nene Correia De Almeida

<p>Timor-Leste is still a newly independent country, obtaining full independence in 2002. The new Constitution gives all citizens a right to education, showing how important education is for Timor-Leste. Educational aid has accounted for around 10% of the aid budget (and has been as high as 28%) over the three years from 2011 to 2014. This thesis explores the emerging relationship between Timor-Leste and its two largest aid donors: Australia and Portugal, through the lens of educational aid. Although there are currently some studies on Timor-Leste’s education policy, there is no current study which explores the relationship between donor foreign policy and educational aid.  The thesis builds on secondary literature and interviews with important figures in the Timorese government. It argues that donors’ political priorities have had an important impact on shaping education policy in Timor-Leste and that the provision of educational aid can help to highlight Timor-Leste’s position as a highly dependent nation in the world system. Portuguese aid has been strongly driven by Portugal’s attempts to maintain political relationships with its former colonies and promote Portuguese language worldwide. Portuguese funding for Portuguese language education has had an impact on language policy, cementing the position of Portuguese as an official language and promoting a Portuguese-influenced position in Timor-Leste’s foreign policy. Australian aid, meanwhile, has emphasised Tetum and English as appropriate languages and is connected with Australian attempts to minimise Timorese discontent over oil politics in the Timor Gap (or Timor Sea). Coordination between these two different donors with different interests has been weak. Timor-Leste finds itself in a difficult position of dependency whereby it needs foreign aid but cannot trust that aid is being given in a disinterested and functional way.</p>


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 79-129
Author(s):  
Murad Ismayilov

This article examines the ways in which Azerbaijan’s energy abundance and the energy diplomacy the latter made possible—combined with inherent weaknesses attending the state’s young post-colonial polity—conditioned the limits of the desirable by which the country’s post-independence elite was guided and, as such, limited the range of directions—cognitive and spatial—in which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy evolved during the first decade following independence. The study then examines how energy-induced growth in state capacity on the one hand, and the perceived failure of the state’s previous practices to help resolve outstanding security problems on the other, coupled with the effects of a number of endogenous and exogenous shocks (particularly, the colour revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine; Kosovo’s recognition by the West; the Russia-Georgia 2008 war; global economic crisis; and Turkey’s short-lived attempt at rapprochement with Armenia) and the perceptual shifts those shockwaves worked to engender, served to broaden the spatial and conceptual boundaries within which Azerbaijan’s foreign policy practices were conceived and effected, including by virtue of the energy resources the country has got in possession. The paper concludes by tracing the particular ways in which the broadening and deepening of the country’s foreign policy practices have occurred.


Author(s):  
Sergey Kostelyanets ◽  
◽  
Obidozie Afamefuna Andrew Okeke

All heads of state of independent Nigeria have left their mark on the formation of national foreign policy, including the policy for Africa, and brought their vision to the development of this sphere, although the greatest contribution to the formation of relations of the Giant of Africa with other states of the continent was made during the years of the Fourth Republic (1999 – present), when, after a long period of military rule, civilian politicians came to power in the country. Throughout the entire period of independent development, the main principles of Nigeria’s formation of contacts with other countries were respect for equality and territorial integrity of sovereign states; non-interference in their internal affairs; active membership in international organizations; non-alignment with military-political blocs, etc. However, the main priority of Nigeria’s foreign policy in the post-colonial period was the development of relations with African countries – a phenomenon that has come to be known as Afrocentrism. In accordance with the principles declared in all Constitutions of the country (1960, 1979, 1993, and 1999), Nigeria made a great contribution to the struggle for the true political and economic independence of African countries, for the liberation of the continent from the remnants of colonialism and apartheid. Since the 1970s, when the country became one of the world’s largest oil producers and exporters and began to provide financial and logistical assistance to African countries in need, a new objective has appeared in its foreign policy – gaining the status of “the leader of the continent”. This desire has been fueled by the fact that Nigeria is the most populous state on the continent and has one of the largest and fastest growing economies in Africa. Not all Nigerian leaders were able to correctly identify political priorities and to a certain extent demonstrated naiveté, limiting their foreign policy primarily to the African direction. While in the first years of independence this was legitimate and justified, with the advent of globalization, the development of a multipolar world, and the transformation of the world political and economic order, it became necessary to ensure that Nigeria’s foreign policy was adapted to modern realities. Meanwhile, thanks to its economic potential, huge reserves of hydrocarbons, which all countries in the region need, and military-political power, Nigeria quite rightly claims a central role in coordinating joint efforts to achieve true economic and political independence by West African states, although one of the obstacles to the transformation Nigeria into a real “hegemon” both in West Africa and throughout the continent remains political instability in the country.


Author(s):  
D. Belinska ◽  
V. Burganova ◽  
S. Gordienko ◽  
А. Musienko ◽  
M. Pogrebnyak ◽  
...  

Scientific conference for young teachers and masters who study in the specialty 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies, with the participation of the Dean of the Faculty of International Relations, Political Science and Sociology V. V. Glebov, Head of the Department of International Relations O. I. Brusylovska, lectors and guests of the University, took place on May 18, 2021 at the FIRPS ONU named after I. I. Mechnikov. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of the theory of international relations (Belinska D., Burganova V., Gordienko S., Musienko A., Pogrebnyak M., Shevchenko Y.), foreign policy of the states (Houphouet L., Navasardyan D., Novatska O., Palyonova G., Polyakova E., Zazalitinova V.), systemic transformation of post-communist and post-colonial countries (Prokhorova V., Elkhair A.).


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