The Italian family from the 1960s to the present

Modern Italy ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Saraceno

SummaryThe family in Italy lies at the centre of an apparent paradox. On the one hand, it appears stronger in its traditional form based on marriage and on intergenerational solidarity than in most European countries. The normal way of living for couples is marriage, marriage instability is lower than the European average, and births out of wedlock are scarce. On the other hand, with its low fertility and long permanence of children in their parents’ household, Italy appears to be a country where the forming of new families and the reproduction of families is most difficult. This article explores the reasons for this paradox, many of which lie in the persistent gender division of labour and in the lack of supportive family policies. At the same time the article shows that despite the apparent stability of the family many changes are under way, some of them dating back to the early 1960s: not only because of fertility decline, but also due to women's changing patterns of behaviour and expectations.

2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 61-73
Author(s):  
Michael Sutton

Lowest-Low Fertility in Japan: Consequences For A Once-Great NationJapan, once a great economic superpower, is currently one of a number of countries experiencing lowest-low fertility, having a total fertility rate of less than 1.5. This demographic figure exists alongside two decades of low economic growth, undermining confidence in national integrity and longevity. The association of low growth and lowest-low fertility has provoked a contest between two visions for national rejuvenation - one an old and increasingly discredited liberalism, and the second, a new demographic conservatism. Japan's debate is not new or unique. Questioning the methods for national replacement and the relationship between fertility and national integrity remains a crucial aspect of nationalism in a globalized world. In the Japanese context, the contest is between two visions for the nation - on the one hand, a cautious nationalism with attendant liberal proclivities; on the other a more conservative vision for the role of women in the family and civic duties. The election of the Democratic Party of Japan (DJP) in 2009 saw fertility issues prominent in the election campaign. Nonetheless, recapturing the lost economic greatness and the role of fertility in definitions of Japanese nationalism remain unresolved and controversial issues.


Author(s):  
A. V. Noskova

The paper describes some peculiarities in evolution of the State family politics and policies in Russia since the beginning of the XX century to present time. The aim of the paper is to shed light on the family state policy in Russia during the different periods of time. We define here the family state policy widely enough as the various state activity (ideological, legislative, economic, social) concerning institute of family. The analysis of the state measures concerning the family in different social and political contexts allowed us to allocate the five main stages and models of the family state policy in Russia. They are: the post-revolutionary model (1917-1926), the «Stalin» model (1927-1953), the "welfare" Soviet model (1954-1991), the yearly post- Soviet model (1991-2005), the modern model (since 2006). The paper is based on the some demographic and sociological surveys data and devoted to an analysis of the family changes in these various periods. On the one hand, the family policies were a reaction to new social requirements and demographic changes (decline of fertility, for example). On the other hand, the state activity concerning a family itself caused transitions in the family institute. We show how various measures of soviet and post-soviet family policies and public interventions in family life have influenced on the family relations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-36
Author(s):  
Jens Qvortrup

Jens Qvortrup: The colonization of children’s work This article develops both historical and theoretical arguments against the flawed logic of a conventional wisdom. This conventional wisdom is the notion that while children in pre-industrial society were actively taking part in work, the scholarised children in modern society are merely preparing themselves to become contributors to the social fabric. Combined with family ideology, this view has implications for low fertility rates and greater risk of poverty for children and their families. The modern schooling marathon should be understood as a continuation of children’s organic participation in activities deemed necessary by the mode of production, reflecting an historical shift from manual to mental child work. This understanding of children’s schoolwork logically implies that children are part of a societal division of labour, and therefore have legitimate claims to societal resources and public economic responsibility. Putting these insights into public practice would, on the one hand, alleviate the economic burdens of parents and the risk of child poverty, and, on the other, create incentives for increased fertility. In the long run this would contribute to the solution of the impending pension crisis. And too, it would help reestablish the intergenerational balance.


2021 ◽  
pp. 640-660
Author(s):  
Naomi Finch ◽  
Jonathan Bradshaw

This chapter examines welfare-state support for families with children in the context of low fertility, increasing rates of childlessness, and a general move away from the breadwinner model of the family. Welfare-state spending on families is explored, and, although most countries, with few exceptions, spend more on older people, spending on children varies between countries, as does spending to encourage mothers into employment. Adopting the model family method to compare the package of policies to support families with children at different earning levels, the chapter shows varying results of generosity, depending on whether we compare low or average earners. The chapter also provides evidence that family policies matter for outcomes—with stronger spending on services increasing both fertility and maternal employment, spending on both services and benefits increasing child well-being, and generosity of transfers lowering child poverty rates.


2014 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 469-491
Author(s):  
Callum G. Brown

There is a significant case to be made that women are central to the secularization of the West since the midtwentieth century. This case has started to be argued in a variety of ways. A number of scholars have linked secularization to women via change to the family. In 1992, French sociologist Danièle Hervieu-Léger theorized secularization not as the collapse of religions but as modernity’s transformation of conventional forms of religion (especially Judaism and Christianity) into ‘the religious’ – a state of sacredness devoid of shared liturgy, even of belief in God, but characterized by belonging to new types of secular institution (notably she cited football clubs), and instigated by the collapse of the nuclear family (what she called ‘the traditional family’). In this process, she suggested, what modernity had done was to sustain a ‘chain of memory’ of religious ritual, but not of religious beliefs. At the heart of Hervieu-Léger’s narrative of causation of the ‘religious crisis’ that was ending belief, she identified the collapse of the traditional family through the coming of ultra-low fertility in the 1960s and 1970s. She wrote that the ‘collapse of the traditional family’ was ‘the central factor in the disintegration of the imagined continuity that lies at the heart of the modern crisis of religion’, pinpointing the period ‘around 1965 with the downturn in the statistics of births and marriages which had risen markedly in the period 1945-50’. With falling fertility and marriage, and rising divorce, cohabitation and births outwith marriage, ‘[i]ndividual well-being and fulfilment take precedence.’ Although the British religious sociologist Grace Davie used Hervieu-Léger’s concept in support of her thesis of Christianity’s survival through believing without belonging, the French sociologist was explicitly not sanguine about the fate of the Churches: ‘The rise of the religious does not necessarily give rise to religion.’ Hervieu-Léger regards the change in the family resulting from the 1960s as putting organized religion in a parlous state in western Europe, whilst Davie sees the secular family as relying vicariously by 2000 on religion for the enactment of a Christian or Jewish liturgy on behalf of the secular.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-399
Author(s):  
Jakub Isański ◽  
Michał Michalski ◽  
Krzysztof Szwarc ◽  
Renata Seredyńska-Abou Eid

This paper presents the discussion about evaluating and using „migrating fertility” potential as a useful approach for designing and implementing pro-natalist and family policies which may play significant role in managing migration processes especially in the context of low fertility in European countries. The analysis presented in the article is based on pilot empirical study conducted in the UK in 2017 and 2018. The aim was to capture the views of migrants who have been staying in the UK for several years on the “Family 500+” fertility-boost financial aid program introduced in Poland in 2016. A critical aspect of the adopted approach is the inclusion in the analysis of future demographic trends the fertility potential of those who emigrated from their home country, a factor often underestimated in migration studies. The results of the study, which was conducted shortly after the launch of the Program, clearly indicate that the new child benefit is not the only decisive factor for Polish migrants, and therefore they are not necessarily eager to return to their home country despite the new pro-family policy.


Author(s):  
Ralf Ahrens

AbstractSocialist economic integration’ in the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA)officially aimed at progressing from the member states’ bilateral trade to the bi- and multilateral coordination of production, research and development. The East German economy had, on the one hand, a vital interest in this international division of labour through political planning that stabilized markets for imports and exports and created economies of scale. On the other hand, politically planned specialization with the lower industrialized CMEA countries tended to preserve the existing structure of GDR industry instead of stimulating technological progress. The article illustrates this dilemma with a case study of the machine tool industry. In the 1970s, this highly qualified and traditionally trade-intensive branch fell behind the international trend that went from numerical control (NC) to computerized numerical control (CNC) technology. But the problem of declining international competitiveness was already detected in the 1960s and early 1970s regarding traditional NC machine tools. Evidence shows that even these less complex tasks could not be managed sufficiently by CMEA or bilateral integration measures.


2009 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 310-335
Author(s):  
Marina Hennig

With her book 'Family and social network' Elisabeth Bott has inspired several follow-up studies. In her study, Bott pointed out that social networks, as a social environment, are incorporated into family life, and therefore play an important role in the division of work within a family. While studies of egocentric network analysis have progressed since the publication of the book, Bott's thesis will nonetheless serve as the starting point of this study. If Elisabeth Bott's findings are reliable, we should find that families with similar behaviour have concurrent structures of characteristics within their networks. Results of a study conducted in Germany in 2003 indicate on the one hand that, in the meantime complementary applied gender roles have become more differentiated, and that relationships between married couples have become more egalitarian with regard to the division of work within the households. On the other hand, network relationships are organized functionally, and are independent of the division of work in the family. In contrast to the family structure of the 1960s, and as a result of the shift in social demands made on families, it appears that a functional separation of the external and internal affairs of families with children has occurred. Zusammenfassung Elizabeth Bott hat mit ihrem Buch 'Family and social network' zahlreiche Folgestudien angeregt. Sie hat mit ihrer Studie darauf hingewiesen, dass die sozialen Netzwerke - als soziales Umfeld - in das Familien eingebunden sind, eine bedeutende Rolle für die Arbeitsteilung in der Familie spielen. Vor dem Hintergrund der inzwischen weiter entwickelten Methoden der egozentrierten Netzwerkanalyse, wird diese zentrale These von Elisabeth Bott zu Ausgangspunkt des Beitrages genommen. Denn ließe sich die These von Elisabeth Bott stützen, so müssten Familien mit ähnlicher Rollenaufteilung auch übereinstimmende Strukturmerkmale in ihren Netzwerken aufweisen. Im Ergebnis einer dazu in Deutschland 2003 durchgeführten Studie zeigt sich, dass sich seit den Studien von Elisabeth Bott die komplementär angelegten Geschlechterrollen ausdifferenziert haben und dass das Verhältnis der Partner in Bezug auf die Arbeitsteilung egalitärer geworden ist. Zum anderen sind die Netzwerkbeziehungen der Familie funktional organisiert und von den innerfamilialen Beziehungen, insbesondere der Arbeitsteilung, unabhängig. Gegenüber der Familie der sechziger Jahre ist es zu einer funktionalen Ausdifferenzierung der Innen-und Außenbeziehungen der Familien mit Kindern als Ergebnis der veränderten gesellschaftlichen Anforderungen an Familien gekommen.


1970 ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
May Abu Jaber

Violence against women (VAW) continues to exist as a pervasive, structural,systematic, and institutionalized violation of women’s basic human rights (UNDivision of Advancement for Women, 2006). It cuts across the boundaries of age, race, class, education, and religion which affect women of all ages and all backgrounds in every corner of the world. Such violence is used to control and subjugate women by instilling a sense of insecurity that keeps them “bound to the home, economically exploited and socially suppressed” (Mathu, 2008, p. 65). It is estimated that one out of every five women worldwide will be abused during her lifetime with rates reaching up to 70 percent in some countries (WHO, 2005). Whether this abuse is perpetrated by the state and its agents, by family members, or even by strangers, VAW is closely related to the regulation of sexuality in a gender specific (patriarchal) manner. This regulation is, on the one hand, maintained through the implementation of strict cultural, communal, and religious norms, and on the other hand, through particular legal measures that sustain these norms. Therefore, religious institutions, the media, the family/tribe, cultural networks, and the legal system continually disciplinewomen’s sexuality and punish those women (and in some instances men) who have transgressed or allegedly contravened the social boundaries of ‘appropriateness’ as delineated by each society. Such women/men may include lesbians/gays, women who appear ‘too masculine’ or men who appear ‘too feminine,’ women who try to exercise their rights freely or men who do not assert their rights as ‘real men’ should, women/men who have been sexually assaulted or raped, and women/men who challenge male/older male authority.


Author(s):  
Andy Sumner

This chapter reviews currents in theory with a focus on modernization and neoclassical statements of comparative advantage on the one hand, and structuralism, dependency, and other theories of underdevelopment on the other. The latter theories of underdevelopment hit their zenith in the policies of the import-substitution industrialization of the 1960s and 1970s. They were largely dismissed in the 1980s as the limits of import-substitution industrialization became apparent and as East Asia industrialized, undermining any argument that structural transformation was problematic in the periphery. This chapter theorizes that neither orthodox nor heterodox theories of structural transformation adequately explain the development of late developers because of the heterogeneity of contemporary capitalism. That said, heterodox theories, which coalesce around the nature of incorporation of developing countries into the global economy, do retain conceptual usefulness in their focal point, ‘developmentalism’, by which we mean the deliberate attempts at national development led by the state.


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