Frantz Fanon in Iran: Darling of the Right and the Left in the 1960s and 1970s

Interventions ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Abdollah Zahiri
Keyword(s):  
Frantz Fanon ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

Democratic Fantasies vs. Cold War Realities

2018 ◽  
pp. 131-146
Author(s):  
Laurence R. Jurdem
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
United Nations ◽  
White House ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
National Review ◽  
The World ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cold War

The strain of Black Nationalism that existed within the United Nations also worried conservatives as they monitored the evolution of events in Southern Africa. In their intense desire to rid the world of communism, other issues, such as race, were either marginalized or ignored. The chapter analyzes the three publications’ view of race as it relates to the issue of Rhodesia during the height of the Cold War. In ignoring the suppression of an entire race of people, Human Events and National Review contrasted what they perceived to be a stable, anticommunist, biracial society with the militarism and lawlessness that they argued defined the 1960s and 1970s. While the two conservative publications viewed Rhodesia as a model of biracial success, Commentary focused on the Carter administration’s dismissive attitude about the dangers of Soviet encroachment within the African hemisphere. The Right argued that the Carter White House, in its refusal to endorse Rhodesia’s 1979 parliamentary elections due to a lack of representation of militant nationalist groups, and its belief in the policy of détente, continued to send a message of American weakness and indifference to totalitarianism around the world.

Education in the Eighties

1980 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Keppel
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
State Government ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Federal Programs ◽  
State And Local ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

In the 1980s individual states will probably continue to have the major responsibility for education in this country. While the federal government may increase the percentage it contributes to the total costs of education, it will continue to be the junior partner in the enterprise, though one with increasing influence. This junior partner today places more demands on state government than its financial contribution seems to warrant. Conventional wisdom acquired in the 1960s and 1970s suggests that the federal government has set the right agenda on such issues as civil rights, poverty, and policies for minority groups and the handicapped—issues which state governments have generally neglected. But, under the Constitution, the federal government has not had the power to carry out its wishes for education without state and local cooperation. In fact, we often forget that a state's willingness to administer programs effectively is the key to the success of federal programs.

Writing (for) Workers: Alternative Workers’ Magazines in Francoist Spain and in State Socialist Poland in the 1960s and 1970s

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 53-72
Author(s):  
Anna Delius
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Labor Rights ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
Working Lives ◽  
Labor Activists ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
State Socialist

This article explores how repression and everyday conflicts at the workplace were connected with labor rights and trade unionism in two authoritarian regimes. It focuses on worker and labor activists’ media in Francoist Spain and in state socialist Poland during the years 1965–68 and 1977–79, respectively. Spanish and Polish workers both lacked the right to join and form independent trade unions, the right to free assembly and association, and the right to strike. At the same time, they faced comparable problems in their everyday working lives, including low salaries, excessive overtime, incompetent management, and deficits in safety and hygiene standards. In this context, (illegal) magazines for workers emerged. They provided new arenas for exchanging experiences, advertised strike actions all across the country, called for united action, and explained national legislation and global labor norms. Based on an analysis of Spanish and Polish workers’ publications, this contribution investigates how labor activists in these states addressed day-to-day problems and the constant violations of internationally binding labor norms.

“Why Hasn’t This Teacher Been Shot?” Moral-Sexual Panic, the Repressive Right, and Brazil’s National Security State

2012 ◽  
Vol 92 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Cowan
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
Far Right ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
National Security State ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article takes up the story of right-wing mobilization before and during Brazil’s military government of 1964–1985. Understanding the regime’s violent countersubversion requires analysis of the ideology that framed it. This ideology flourished among a long-neglected group of far-right intellectuals and organizations that had considerable influence in successive military administrations and worked to define subversion—the military state’s ever-invoked enemy—in terms chiefly moral and sexual. Scholars have noted that defense of “Western Christian civilization” peppered the vague rhetoric of Cold War autocrats throughout Latin America. Yet inattention to the Right per se and to those considered extremists has impeded our understanding of the specific values bound up in such visions of the West and hence of the centrality of morality and culture in countersubversive thought. This article argues that rightists, some of them radical, echoed past conservatisms by linking morality, sexuality, and subversion in ways that gained increasing influence in the 1960s and 1970s.

A Movement Society Evaluated: Collective Protest in The United States, 1960-1986

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Soule ◽  
Jennifer Earl
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Significant Activity ◽  
Movement Organization ◽  
Key Characteristics ◽  
Negative Findings ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

In an attempt to make sense of shifts in the social movement sector and its relationship to conventional politics over the past forty years, some have proposed that Western nations are increasingly becoming "movement societies." Accordingly, there are four key characteristics of the movement society: (1) over time expansion of protest; (2) over time diffusion of protest; (3) over time institutionalization of protest; and (4) over time institutionalization of state responses to protest. Using newly available data on over 19,000 protest events occurring in the U.S. between 1960 and 1986, we evaluate these four claims. Our findings suggest that movement society scholars are correct in some respects: the size of protest events has grown over time, the percentage of events at which at least one social movement organization is present has increased over time, the number of distinct protest claims has increased over time, and violent forms of protest policing have decreased over time. However, our findings call into question other movement society claims: the number of protests has declined over time, fewer organizations were present at each protest event over time, fewer new groups initiated events over time, fewer new claims emerged over time, and there was more significant activity by groups on the right in the 1960s and 1970s than expected. We suggest potential explanations for some of the negative findings in an attempt to refine the movement society arguments.

Post-war Violence in Italy: A Struggle for Memory

Modern Italy ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimo Storchi
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Editorial Strategies

The Resistance at the root of Italian democracy is still the object of political and often controversial debate, 60 years on. This is related to the various phases of political development in Italy: from the early post-war years, characterized by the conflict associated with the ideological clashes of the Cold War, to the 1960s and 1970s, afflicted by terrorism, to the fall of the Berlin Wall and then to the collapse of the party system. Diverse, sometimes conflicting memories of the Resistance have emerged, linked not only to the numerous forms characterizing the struggle against Nazi–Fascism, but also to the varying motives, ideals and politics which animated fighters on both sides. With the new bipolar political system and the rise of the Right, the Resistance has returned to being one of the most prominent features of political controversy. This manifests itself in editorial strategies and extensive media operations in which memories representing those people who are opposed to the ideals of the Resistance seem to have the upper hand.

scholarly journals Written Notice of Cooling-Off Periods: A Forty-Year Natural Experiment in Illusory Consumer Protection and the Relative Effectiveness of Oral and Written Disclosures

2015 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Sovern
Keyword(s):  
Consumer Protection ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Relative Effectiveness ◽  
Federal Regulations ◽  
State Statutes ◽  
Standard Tool ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Cost

For more than forty years, a standard tool in the consumer protection toolbox has been the cooling- off period.  Federal statutes, state statutes, and federal regulations all oblige merchants to give consumers three days to rescind certain contracts.  This paper reports on a survey of businesses subject to such cooling-off periods.  The study has two principal findings. First, the respondents indicated that few consumers rescind their purchases.  Thus, the study raises doubts about whether cooling-off periods benefit consumers or whether they provide only illusory consumer protection. The article also offers speculations about why cooling-off periods have been of such little value to consumers.Second, the study found that consumers who receive both oral and written notice of their rights are more likely to avail themselves of those rights than those who receive only written notices, and that the differences are statistically significant.  Fifty-three percent of the sellers who gave only a written notice and did not speak of the buyer’s right to cancel said buyers never cancelled, nearly double the percentage for sellers who did tell buyers (27%).  Businesses that provided both oral in-person and written notices of the right to rescind were more than twice as likely to report that more than 1% of their customers cancelled contracts as those that provided only written notices.  The article also explores why oral and written notices combined were more effective than written notice alone.Finally, the survey asked respondents about the cost of cooling-off periods.   More than four-fifths of the respondents who answered the question reported that the right to cancel had cost them either nothing or very little. This contrasts with the vehement opposition of opponents of such rules when they were first adopted in the 1960s and 1970s.

scholarly journals Decolonising Québec: Discursive Strategies in Michel Tremblay’s Mistero buffo

2007 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Dunnett
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Imperialism ◽  
Frantz Fanon ◽  
Social Discourse ◽  
Michel Tremblay ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Albert Memmi ◽  
The Social ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Political Economic

Abstract Decolonising Québec : Discursive Strategies in Michel Tremblay 's Mistero buffo — During the 1960s and 1970s the concept of decolonisation was taken up by many Québécois intellectuals in their bid to promote the nationalist cause. Drawing on the theories of Albert Memmi and Frantz Fanon, such writers denounced what they regarded as the political, economic and cultural dependence of Québec. This article examines the way in which the topos of colonisation that permeated the social discourse of the period affected the translation and reception of Michel Tremblay's joual version of Mistero buffo. It seeks to demonstrate that Dario Fo's play has been transformed into a vehicle for challenging the perceived cultural imperialism of France and for asserting the importance of secularisation in the movement to "décolonise" Québec.

East Asian Secrets of Economic Growth

2021 ◽  
pp. 80-83
Author(s):  
Samuel Cohn
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Poor Countries ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Rich ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

This chapter evaluates how poor countries achieve economic growth in the face of all the obstacles posed by the rich countries. The most successful ones have used a highly advanced form of big government — a strategy known to economists as the developmentalist state. This strategy was designed by Japan in the late nineteenth century, perfected by South Korea in the 1960s and 1970s, and brought to a high level of polish by the Chinese today. The key is having a very strong set of government economic planners who tell private companies how they should invest. These countries are not anticapitalist. Companies are privately owned; profits accrue to the owners. But anyone who wants to stay in the good graces of the government follows the official government plan. What Japan, Korea, and China actually did is they restricted firm ownership to locals, keeping multinational corporations out; strictly limited imports for consumption; and massively invested in education. They also developed a long-term plan for the nation to go into the right industries at the right time; induced private firms to cooperate with the national plan by having the government guarantee sales, profits, and cheap credit; and prevented Korean firms from going soft by setting strict performance standards in the middle term.

Israeli Cinema

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raz Yosef ◽  
Boaz Hagin
Keyword(s):  
Political Support ◽  
Master Narrative ◽  
Ashkenazi Jews ◽  
Collective Memories ◽  
Ticket Sales ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Israeli Cinema ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right

Scholarship on Zionist and Israeli cinema is in agreement as to the major periods and movements in this corpus. During the prestate period, and especially after the 1920s, the Zionist movement used cinema to propagate Zionist ideology and to gather financial and political support. Following the 1948 independence of the State of Israel, and during the 1950s and 1960s, Israeli films continued to comply with the Zionist master-narrative. A heroic-nationalist genre related to the emergence of a generation of native-born Israelis—Sabras—now made the new Israeli warriors, and not the pioneering group, its protagonists. In the 1960s and 1970s, two genres that broke away from representing heroic nationalist mythology can be discerned. One is the popular Bourekas genre—mainly comedies but also melodramas and musicals—that focuses on the interethnic tension between Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Jews in Israeli society, which is resolved through the (ideologically suspect according to many scholars) union of a mixed ethnic couple. A different, small group of films from the mid-1960s and 1970s has been labeled by critics and scholars as personal cinema, Israeli modernist cinema, the Israeli New Wave, or the New Sensibility. These are often extremely low-budget, black-and-white, and ostensibly apolitical films that are characterized by experimental cinematic techniques; fragmentary, minimal, and open-ended narratives; alienated protagonists; and existential themes. While the Bourekas films were extremely successful at the box office but loathed by many critics, the personal cinema was warmly received by critics but suffered from dismal ticket sales. From the late 1970s, with the rise of the right-wing Likud Party, through the early 1990s, Israeli cinema was dominated by explicitly political films that tried to challenge the Zionist ideology of the past and gave increased visibility to outsiders and outcasts. This is also the period in which substantial academic scholarship on Israeli cinema began to appear, with works by Judd Ne’eman, Ella Shohat, and scholars such as Nurith Gertz, Nitzan Ben-Shaul, Yosefa Loshitzky, Yael Munk, Raz Yosef, Régine-Mihal Friedman, Orly Lubin, and Anat Zanger. Since the 1990s, and especially in the new millennium, Israeli films have enjoyed critical and popular success both locally and internationally. Scholarship has noted this cinema’s complex explorations of trauma and personal and collective memories and identities.

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