China and the Middle East security governance in the new era

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-371
Author(s):  
Degang Sun
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
New Era ◽  
Security Governance ◽  
Border Conflicts ◽  
Political Security ◽  
Religious Sects

In the 21st century, conflicts in the Middle East can generally be classified into four types, namely: conflicts between outside powers and Middle Eastern countries; between Middle Eastern countries themselves; between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country; as well as transnational and cross-border conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle Eastern security governance includes political, security and social conflicts. There are three categories of domestic mechanisms in Chinese practice, specifically: the special envoy mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the procession and peace-keeping mechanisms by the Chinese Ministry of National Defense; and the foreign aid mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce. The China–Arab States Cooperation Forum, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation, the United Nations and other international organizations constitute the major international regimes for China’s security governance. China’s Middle Eastern security governance creates not only ‘public goods’ for the region but also a means for China to build constructive great power relations with the United States, the European Union and Russia, among others. The styles of Chinese and Western security governance in the Middle East vary with the Chinese side placing most emphasis on improving the well-being of Middle Eastern peoples and placing this as the top priority on the agenda, followed by a ‘bottom-up’ roadmap, and the seeking of incremental, consultative, inclusive and selective governance in Middle East conflict resolution.

scholarly journals China’s Whole-of-Region Diplomacy in the Middle East: Opportunities and Challenges

2019 ◽  
Vol 05 (01) ◽  
pp. 49-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Degang Sun
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Strategic Partnerships ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
The Cold War

To safeguard its economic and security interests, China has adopted a whole-of-region diplomacy in the Middle East since the end of the Cold war. Through a multitude of regional and international organizations, China has been able to maintain constructive interactions with Middle Eastern countries while deepening its ties with other major powers like the United States, the European Union, Russia, Japan and India. China’s diplomatic efforts have paid off in the Middle East and increased the influence of developing countries as a whole in international politics. Meanwhile, China’s whole-of-region diplomacy is faced with a number of challenges given the complexity of ethnic, religious and security landscapes in the Middle East. China needs more holistic and well-coordinated ways of whole-of-region diplomacy to seek closer relationships with Middle Eastern countries. To this end, it is important for China to consolidate its network of strategic partnerships on the basis of bilateral collaboration and multilateral cooperation, further strengthen its discourse power and agenda-setting capacity, and consider adopting a common but differentiated strategy toward regional countries according to their different national conditions, political systems and paths of socioeconomic development.

Italy's politics without policy: Balancing Atlanticism and Europeanism in the Middle East

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The Government ◽  
Specific Interests ◽  
Policy Shifts ◽  
The Eu

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.

Language Needs of Population Served

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel S. David ◽  
Priscilla Gibson ◽  
Patience Togo Malm
Keyword(s):  
Specific Language Impairment ◽  
Language Production ◽  
Service Providers ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The United States ◽  
Autism Spectrum ◽  
Speech Disorders ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Unified Framework ◽  
Unconscious Bias

Language mediates every aspect of social work, and the ability to communicate effectively with and about clients is a paramount responsibility that rests with the social worker. This responsibility extends to clients who do not speak, understand, read, or write fluently in the dominant language, either because they speak other languages or because of communication-related disabilities. This category may include individuals with learning disabilities, speech disorders, aphasia, autism spectrum disorders, specific language impairment, and physical impairments that impact language production, among other conditions. Primary concerns include disparities in access to services; the need for training on working with interdisciplinary teams; minimizing bias, micro-aggressions, and stereotyping; and issues related to translation, interpretation, and intercultural communication. In addition to these concerns, linguistically diverse populations are often excluded from research, resulting in gaps in knowledge about their needs. Service accommodations for language minorities tend to focus on translation and interpretation; however, research suggests that social workers also need to understand and guard against unconscious bias, and learn to use affirmative language to support the well-being of clients rather than pathologizing them. Clients with communication disabilities, on the other hand, may have distinct or overlapping needs, and service organizations rarely address the language support needs of these two populations within one unified framework. Service providers may waste precious time and effort navigating multiple, overlapping policy directives. Information on the policy context in the United States and the European Union related to language rights and language access provides a background for this topic.

A Revolution Gone Wrong: What Happened in Egypt Since 2011. H. A. Hellyer. A Revolution Undone: Egypt's Road Beyond Revolt (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017). Pp. 320. $29.95 cloth. ISBN 9780190659738. David Kirkpatrick. Into the Hands of Soldiers: Freedom and Chaos in Egypt and the Middle East (New York: Viking, 2018). Pp. 384. $28.00 cloth. ISBN 9780735220621.

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democracy Promotion ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Street Vendor ◽  
Oxford University ◽  
The Arab Spring

Nearly nine years after a Tunisian street vendor named Mohamed Bouazizi set himself ablaze in provincial Tunisia, a sense that the aspirations of the Arab Spring were always doomed to fail has set in among pundits and policymakers. The United States, and to a large extent the European Union, have all but given up on any pretense of democracy promotion in the region and have instead turned again to well-trodden policy repertoires emphasizing a realpolitik approach.

Britain, the Transatlantic Alliance, and the Arab-Israeli War of 1973

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Hughes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
British Policy ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

This article analyzes the impact on transatlantic relations of the October 1973 Arab-Israeli war, focusing on the discrepancy between U.S. and British views of Middle Eastern security before and during the conflict. Despite the institutional factors shaping the U.S.-British “special relationship” and the much greater power of the United States compared to Britain, British policy during the 1973 war was sharply at odds with U.S. policy. This article shows that British policy toward the Middle East was shaped not only by economic concerns (namely the importance of Arab oil to the UK economy) but also by the strategic requirement to undermine Soviet influence in the region and strengthen ties between the Western powers and the Arab states.

Current Bibliographical Work: The Middle East

1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-21
Author(s):  
Michael W. Albin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Near East ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Library Of Congress ◽  
Important Work ◽  
National Union ◽  
Turkish Language

My Purpose in this brief presentation is to offer a summary of developments in the field of Middle Eastern and Islamic bibliographic studies. Examples (and they are only examples of what is a widespread recognition of the importance of bibliography in the scholarly enterprise) are drawn from various fields of activity, from the immense Library of Congress to the efforts of a lone bibliographer at her PC in Denver. I have also tried to give an international flavor with an example of the important work being done in Istanbul. I have appended the names and addresses of the bibliographic projects to which I refer in this presentation.The jewel in the crown, so to speak, of the bibliographic effort of the Library of Congress is the Near East National Union List, a catalogue of Arabic, Persian, and Turkish language books and serials in libraries in the United States and Canada.

The EU's Policies of Security of Energy Supply Towards the Middle East and Caspian Region: Major Power Politics?

2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 485-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Femke Hoogeveen ◽  
Wilbur Perlot
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Fossil Fuels ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
External Energy ◽  
Major Power ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
The Eu

AbstractVast reserves of fossil fuels make the Greater Middle East (GME) region the centre of attention in terms of security of supply considerations of all major energy-consuming countries, most notably of the United States (US), China, India, and of the European Union (EU). Although energy security is on the EU's agenda, the supranational nature of the EU inhibits it to pursue an external energy security policy in the same way as other consuming countries. Its power, mandate, and in many ways preparedness to execute a common foreign policy towards the GME, let alone as specific as a common foreign energy strategy, are limited. This article seeks to answer the questions of what role the EU wants to play in the GME region in relation to objectives of energy security, what role it can play in this respect, and whether the EU's Middle East politics can be regarded as major power politics.

scholarly journals US – Iran Proxy War in Middle East Under Trump Administration

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-48
Author(s):  
Hino Samuel Jose ◽  
Laode Muhamad Fathun
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Leadership Style ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Regional Interest ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Status ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
Political Security

The heated bilateral relation between Iran and the United States has brought the middle east into another level of problem. The divided geopolitical and regional interest of both countries has led to several and many multidimensional issues, ranging from political, security, and even to economic ones. This article discussed the Iran – US tension on their proxy conflict in the Middle East. This article employs the Regional Security Complex Theory to construct the events related to both states’ proxy conflicts. The polarized region for sure has drawn another line that seems to be more complexed for both countries to achieve mutual understanding and continued peacebuilding. The US withdrawal from JCPOA, killing of Soleimani, and Saudi Arabia – Iran Yemen proxy war exacerbated the status quo. This article perceived that the intertwined issues show how the traditional thought of security should be redefined as both countries try to gain bargaining power. Especially with Iran that was hindered very much by sanctions and embargo placed by the US. This article discusses many important issues on Iran, US, and Saudi Arabia involvement and their correlated dynamics within the UN. This article analyzed Trump’s leadership style in the Middle East and its implication from the proxy war to the Middle East security architecture.

scholarly journals Conflicts in the Middle East: prospects for escalation in the context of general regional instability in the 2020s

2021 ◽  
pp. 120-132
Author(s):  
A. Malashenko
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Significant Extent ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Made In

The article analyses Middle Eastern conflicts in the early 2020s. The main focus is on the situation in Syria, Libya, and Yemen, three Middle Eastern conflicts that are progressing, with no solution in sight. These conflicts motivated by social, economic and political reasons became a progression of those protests that have started in 2011 and have been called “The Arab Spring”. These “revolutions” have been promoted by Islamist movements and groups whose activity became one of key factors of perpetual tensions in the region. So far, attempts by conflict parties to find consensual solutions have remained rather unsuccessful. Positive resolution of actual and potential conflicts in the Greater Middle East to a significant extent still depends on external regional and non-regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, Iran, and the United States. However, each actor involved in these conflicts and in conflict management pursues its own goals. These actors try to retain their positions and influence in these Middle Eastern countries and in the region as a whole. According to the forecast made in the article, more conflicts in the region may be foreseen (in Iraq, the Persian Gulf states etc.) that could form the next wave of the “Arab Spring”.

scholarly journals Le Proche-Orient dans le système mondial

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Hentsch
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
World System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The World ◽  
Directed Development ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Palestinian Question

The Middle East is generally perceived in the West, often in simplistic terms, as an area which is crucial to the West's economic and strategic interests. Given the complexity of this new « Eastern question », the Western perspective is important because it counts for a lot in determining the future of this region and in defining the position the Middle East holds in the world System. This dominant perspective has nonetheless the defect of putting on the back burner the interests of the peoples of the Middle East and the possibilities of a different scenario which corresponds less with the designs of the great powers today and more with the needs of the Middle Eastern countries. The present and future position of the Middle East in the world System should thus be examined from an internal viewpoint as much as from an external one. Seen from the outside, the region appears essentially as a pawn. From this perspective, the deterioration of the Palestinian question permits the great powers (particularly the United States) to keep the Arab governments divided and thus blocks the way to regional cooperation susceptible to putting the energy resources of the oil producers at the service of self-directed development in the region. Seen from the inside, however, this cooperation, beyond its economic advantages, has interesting social and cultural possibilities, It is thus a question of knowing which conditions would develop these possibilities. The question is important because, to a certain extent, the outcome of the Middle Eastern situation will serve as an example to the Third World as a whole to the extent that the Middle East develops a strategy for a new kind of development defined and carried out free from dependency on external powers. The precondition to this effort is clearly the formulation and effective maintenance of a common Arab position which is coherent and realistic on the Palestinian question ; inevitably this is central to all Middle Eastern policy.

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