The Authority of the Andean Tribunal of Justice in a Time of Regional Political Crisis

Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter ◽  
Laurence R. Helfer

This chapter considers the geopolitical factors now threatening the Andean Community and explains how the Andean Tribunal of Justice (ATJ) has responded to this crisis. It also explains why the ATJ's intellectual property (IP) island continues to thrive even as threats to the larger integration project loom larger. It then returns to the Ecuador noncompliance dispute, introduced in Chapter 6, and considers how developments in the Andean integration process may affect the influence and power of the ATJ going forward. Divisions in the Andean Community, together with the pull of competing regional projects such as Mercosur and UNASUR — a merger of the Andean Community and Mercosur — have impeded the longstanding goal of creating an Andean common market and led to significantly reduced government support for the Andean integration project as a whole. This chapter thus attempts to understand what happened to the ATJ's authority during this crisis.

Author(s):  
Dayana Aparecida Marques de Oliveira Cruz

Since 2016, the four States Parties to the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) - Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay - are experiencing internal political and economic crises that cannot be understood without observing the South American regional context. With the pandemic of the new coronavirus, the crisis also took on a health dimension, whose repercussions in 2021 made the celebration of the bloc's thirty years a moment of reflection on the effectiveness of the integration process, due to the absence of territorial management that addresses the Mercosur needs. The purpose of this text is to discuss the measures adopted in the context of Mercosur in the face of the current pandemic, economic and political crisis. The methodology used for the elaboration of the text included a bibliographic review on the regional integration process in Mercosur and the analysis of news about the situation and the measures adopted to contain the effects of the crisis in Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay.


Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter ◽  
Laurence R. Helfer

This chapter discusses the Andean Tribunal Justice (the ATJ or Tribunal) and considers how the ATJ has fared during a period of regional political crisis and declining governmental support for Andean Community institutions. The “island” of narrow, intermediate, and extensive authority for intellectual property disputes that developed prior to the mid-2000s is resilient and even thriving, even as the ATJ’s de jure authority has contracted and its de facto authority has been threatened by proposals by Ecuador to merge the Andean Community with MERCOSUR and by politically high-profile noncompliance suits involving Ecuadoran import restrictions. Yet even in these contentious cases, the Andean legal system—backstopped by overlapping constraints of the World Trade Organization (WTO)—pushed Ecuador to offer plausible legal grounds to defend its import restrictions. The chapter concludes by exploring the relationship between the ATJ’s de facto authority and its limited power to shape regional economic policy.


Significance After releasing 1 billion dollars in April, the IMF is urging Ukraine to implement land and pension reforms to make it eligible for further lending tranches. The government is finding it hard to pursue controversial changes opposed by many voters and taken up as causes by the political opposition. Gontareva's resignation reflects a lack of government support and is a setback for the reformist camp. Impacts The 'economic war' emerging alongside armed conflict in the east will dent prospects for growth and reform. Failure to secure further IMF financing could accelerate the planned return to international capital markets, perhaps in the third quarter. Attempts to push through reforms such as land sales may lead to increased political strife but not a full-blown political crisis.


2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-82
Author(s):  
José Ultemar da Silva

The  aim  in this  article is  to  discuss  about the formation of the Andean Community, showing its importance to the economic participation in the  Latin  America  integration process.  In  this context,  it  is  emphasized  the  organization  of this block, as country memberships, social, economics and politics situation,  the  most important partners and the relationship between this block  and  Brazil,  since  our  country  possesses an  expressive  participation in this  market,  but nowadays it is harmed with the speeches about the nationalization of the Bolivian gas.


10.33287/1196 ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 58-70
Author(s):  
І. С. Карпань ◽  
Н. С. Чернікова

The article deals with problems of the noble class in post-reform period in Russia (70–90-ies XIXth cent.) through A. Bobrinsky’s activity as the Leader of the St. Petersburg nobility. The study analyzed his activities towards the Nobility consolidation and involvement their representatives into development of Russian state policy. A. Bobrinsky belonged to the family of large landowners and successful sugar-growers of the Russian Empire. It greatly influenced to the formation of his political worldview and contributed to the growth of the young Count’s authority among the Nobility and Gentry. In the last quarter of the XIXth cent. A. Bobrinsky defended the dominant position of the Nobility as the provincial Governor (the Leader) of the St. Petersburg nobility. A. Bobrinsky’s main efforts were aimed to the consolidation of the Gentry to defend their own rights and privileges and their involvement to the Russian state authorities. He promoted the idea of founding a representative institution – the Duma or Zemsky Sobor – in Russian Empire. However, the purpose of its creation he was seen in the count in the redistribution of executive, judicial and punitive powers between government representatives and elected people from the Nobility. He was convinced that only the Gentry was worthy to represent the interests of Russian society in the state authorities. During this period, the young Bobrinsky attempted to unite the St. Petersburg nobility into the organization of «Svyataya Druzhyna». It was a semi-secret organization which established to protect of the Russian Tsar from possible terrorist acts. The purpose of the organization was rather limited and local, so it disintegrated soon. However, it contributed to the growth of A. Bobrysky’s authority as a loyal to the Tsar and autocracy personality. It had a great importance in the conditions of the economic and political crisis of the noble class. In the 90’s of the XIX cent. A. Bobrinsky took an active part in nobility meetings devoted to problems of the privileged class. Here he defended an idea of preserving the privileges and dominant position of the estate Nobility. He opposed the provision of political rights and state support to the estateless nobles-homeowners and representatives of the bourgeoisie. A. Bobrinsky didn’t reject an idea to create conditions for the nobility replenishment by the new social classes, but he saw it possibility only in the distant future. However, even government support didn’t contribute to consolidation processes and politicization among the nobility class. A. Bobrinsky with sadness stated that the meetings of the noble leaders continued to be only like private talks about preserving the nobility former positions in the social structure. So he had to change strategy and initiated the founding in 1906 a new organization – the United Nobility. During the next decade its existence largely predetermined the main directions of Russian government policy and as a whole.


Author(s):  
Phan The Cong

Creative industries have been seen to become increasingly important to economic well-being, with proponents suggesting that "human creativity is the ultimate economic resource," and that “the industries of the twenty-first century will depend increasingly on the generation of knowledge through creativity and innovation.” The term creative industries, refers to a range of economic activities which are concerned with the generation or exploitation of knowledge and information. Development of creative industries will contribute to the awareness and protection of intellectual property rights and copyrights in the creative industry, in order to meet the WTO’s requirements on intellectual property rights. Government support for creative industries will help create a healthy competitive environment for businesses in the industry. It is important for Vietnam’s businesses to select a proper orientation and gain a suitable position in the global creative economy. The creative service sectors of great strength in Vietnam, which are also in need of investment are: design, art, education, tourism, performing arts, fashion, handicraft, culture, foods, and others. Additionally, empirical investigations in the present study reveal that creative industry indicators have a positive and significant influence on the economy and financial sectors. This study’s findings are highly recommended to government officials, economists, and anyone else working to make strategic decisions to achieve better economic results.


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