The Political Economy of the Developmental State in Latin America

Author(s):  
José Carlos Orihuela

The role of the state in economic development is broad, old, and metamorphic. Drawing on historical political economy and a critical reading of new institutional scholarship, our understanding of the developmental state is contextual and complex. Successful developmental state formation is the result of stable political-economic environments, cultural legacies of earlier state-making functioning as mental maps for new statecraft, coherent institutional and policy entrepreneurship, and sustained growth that gives positive feedback in state-making. Latin American state developmentalism has always been diverse, before and after the debt crisis. In the era of state-led industrialization, the Latin American developmental state “failed” because, with domestic and regional markets small and dependence on foreign markets and financial capital high, macroeconomic policymaking did not learn to deal with crises and cyclical external conditions. Developmental state success in the 21st century depends on undertaking less volatile political-economic pathways to facilitate organizational learning by doing. In exclusionary Latin America more than in other corners of the world, developmental state success also means reconciling economic and social goals.

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 626-647 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Hogenboom

Chinese oil companies have recently started to set up operations in Latin America, and they are doing this at a rapid pace. This article aims to provide an overview of the increasing flows of oil and capital (fdiand credit) between Latin America and China, and to clarify how they interact with the broader Sino-Latin American relations as well as Latin America’s changing political landscape. In addition to regional trends, the cases of Venezuela, Brazil and Ecuador are discussed. The article combines an assessment of factual data with an analysis of the broader political economy context in which these new oil relations operate. Next to national differences, three general tendencies stand out: first, the type of arrangements and coordinated activities that Chinese companies, banks and government agencies deploy differ from those of other large oil-seeking nations; second, while the arrival of Chinese capital is welcomed by Latin American governments and pictured as part of non-imperialist South-South relations, Chinese oil companies and loans are sometimes criticized in local media by scholars, opposition andngos; and third, Chinese oil imports and investments have added to changing attitudes and policies towards strategic sectors under new political regimes, which allows for more social spending but which critics have labeled as the return to an ‘extractivist model.’


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCELO CAFFERA

ABSTRACTI review the few programs implemented in Latin America to control pollution with direct economic instruments and draw general lessons for the future implementation of these instruments in the region. The available evidence suggests that a combination of low capacities and political economy issues negatively affected the implementation of these programs. As a result, the capacity of the economic instruments to induce emission reductions cost effectively and their future political viability in these countries in the short- or medium-run may have been compromised. This present state of affairs provides more evidence in favor of the policy recommendation that Latin American countries should build local capacities before implementing direct economic instruments, than in favor of the alternative that these countries should adapt direct economic instruments to their institutional and political characteristics.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (9) ◽  
pp. 1179-1211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grigore Pop-Eleches

This article analyzes the interaction between economic crises and partisan politics during International Monetary Fund program initiation in Latin America in the 1980s and Eastern Europe in the 1990s. The author argues that economic crises are at least in part in the eye of the beholder, and therefore policy responses reflect the interaction between crisis intensity and the government's partisan interpretation of the crisis, which in turn depends on the nature of the economic crisis and its broader regional and international environment. Using cross-country statistical evidence from the two regions, the article shows that certain types of crises, such as liquidity shortfalls, elicit similar responses across the ideological spectrum and regional contexts. By contrast, debt repayment and domestic crises are more prone to divergent ideological interpretations, but the extent of partisan divergence is context sensitive in that it occurred during the Latin American debt crisis but not in the post-communist transition.


Author(s):  
Nicola Miller

This chapter recounts the Latin American countries that welcomed foreign innovation and expertise for technically demanding infrastructure projects. It mentions how the American continent's first railways were built by Spanish American engineers under contract to the respective states, contrary to the common belief that British or US American companies always led the way. It also focuses on the visibility and intensity of public concern about the relationship between science and sovereignty in late nineteenth-century Latin America. The chapter reviews the overlooked history of resistance in Latin American countries on handing over infrastructure projects to private companies, especially if they were foreign owned. It disputes conceptions of the role of the state and provides further evidence for the argument that free-market liberals did not have their own way in nineteenth-century Latin America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 2297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuanbo Li ◽  
Xufeng Zhu

During the initial implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (the 2030 Agenda), the Second Ministerial Meeting of the Forum of China and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) was held in Santiago, Chile, in January 2018. During this forum, China officially invited 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This study links three important global governance issues: The 2030 Agenda, China-LAC relations and BRI. The authors attempt to analyze how China’s BRI in the LAC region can learn from the 2030 Agenda of the United Nations with 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs). This study shows that although China and the LAC region have strong political, economic and trade relationships, they must deepen dialogues and cooperation on sustainable development, especially the 2030 Agenda with 17 SDGs, which can be inspirations for China’s BRI in this region. BRI, which aligns with the 2030 Agenda and contributes to Chinese experience in development, can generate new opportunities for the LAC region to implement such an agenda. However, the challenges and risks of BRI cannot be ignored, and adequate answers and solutions should be provided to allow BRI to achieve a win–win outcome for China and LAC countries. The authors also examine the alignment of China’s policies towards LAC and BRI with the 2030 Agenda (17 SDGs) and the involvement of each SDG in these policies as the 2030 Agenda (17 SDGs) should be considered in policy-making for China’s BRI in the LAC region. Moreover, on the basis of previous analyses, suggestions for a successful BRI in the LAC region in six sectors are proposed in the context the 2030 Agenda.


1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 79-88
Author(s):  
A.A. Teixeira

ARPEL is a private organization working for the benefit of its 20 member companies as well as promoting the economic integration of their respective countries. The Latin American State Oil Companies (LASOCs) are responsible for 80% of petroleum activities in the region, which in 1990 amounted to 7.4 mbd or 11.4% of the world's production. Mexico and Venezuela are responsible for 2/3 of the output. The LASOCs. besides filling domestic needs and seeking country self-sufficiency, look for opportunities for participation in international markets and to attract external investment.


2008 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus J. Kurtz ◽  
Sarah M. Brooks

Although research in the advanced industrial nations has identified a supportive link between an expanded public sector role and economic openness, studies of the developing world have been much less sanguine about the possibilities of broader state intervention in the context of economic liberalization. The authors investigate the possibility that governments in Latin America may “embed” economic openness in a broader public sector effort. They find that while several countries have moved toward an orthodox neoliberal model with minimal state interventions, other Latin American governments have maintained a broader public sector presence on the supply side of the economy while pursuing deep liberalization. They call the latter strategy “embeddedneoliberalism,” to distinguish it from the more egalitarian ambitions of postwar embedded liberalism. Cross-sectional time-series analysis reveals that embedded neoliberal strategies in Latin America have grown out of a legacy of advanced import-substitution industrialization and have been promoted by nonleft governments, except in cases where labor is very strong. The orthodox neoliberal model, by contrast, has emerged where postwar industrial development was attenuated and where labor unions were weakened considerably by the debt crisis.


Author(s):  
N. M. Yakovleva ◽  
P. P. Yakovlev

Among all the regions of the world, Latin America has been the most vulnerable to the spread of the coronavirus epidemic. The COVID-19 pandemic not only exposed the weaknesses of national health systems, but also served as a catalyst for the crisis socio-economic phenomena that have developed in the region over the past decade. The impact of the pandemic should serve Latin America as a clear lesson and motivate the local political and business establishment to make a significant adjustment to the content of the regional development strategy. It is logical, in our opinion, to raise the question of rethinking the role of the state in public life, the development of a modern, meeting the requirements of the moment, the Latin American concept of epidemiological and socio-economic security. In the post-covid period, at the center of public attention and targeted government efforts ought to be the challenges of radically improving health care through the priority development of those sectors of the economy that can provide diversification and, as a result, increase the level of crisis-sustainability of Latin American states. First of all, they should focus on the manufacturing industry, including the production of a wide range of medicines and equipment, as well as the sectors that ensure the development and modernization of socio-economic infrastructure: utilities, transport, alternative energy, telecommunications. In the field of international relations, the importance of cooperation with those States that have pioneered the development of COVID-19 coronavirus vaccines has increased significantly. In this context, it must be mentioned the interest that the registration in the Russian Federation of the first domestic vaccine Sputnik V provoked in Latin America.


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