Political Culture in Africa

Author(s):  
Robert Nyenhuis ◽  
Robert Mattes

A useful summary of political culture is a people’s values, knowledge, and evaluations of their political community, political regime, and political institutions, as well as how they see themselves and others as citizens. Although the current map of Africa was originally drawn by European colonial powers, its states and state boundaries are no longer artificial abstractions. Ordinary Africans have developed a strong identification with their national identities, even as many maintain strong attachments to subnational linguistic, regional, or religious identities. Africans also say they want those states to be governed democratically, though the depth of their commitment to all aspects of democratic governance is not always consistent. Other aspects of political culture are marked by important contradictions. Even though people can be highly critical of incumbent leaders, they tend to exhibit high and often uncritical levels of trust in government and state institutions. At the same time, they express very low levels of trust in other citizens, or at least in those who do not share common ethnic or local identities. Yet they have high levels of membership in community organizations and are often involved in local politics. And though they express a high level of interest in politics, most Africans exhibit low levels of political efficacy. But Africa is not a country, and these attitudes often are often very different across the continent. Indeed, in many places, it is far from certain whether citizen support is sufficient to sustain the multiparty systems and democratic rule that emerged in the 1990s.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Sumartono Sumartono

General elections and regional head elections in Indonesia are conducted directly. The pattern of community participation is changed. The emergence of pragmatism or political pragmatism in society becomes an interesting political culture to study. Practically, pragmatism means a condition that encourages people to get benefits instantly. As a result, people take any actions to make it happen. In reality, pragmatism not only affects the upper classes (those with a high level of education) but also ordinary people (lower class society or those with low levels of political education). The development of money politics, cow trade politics, the sale of votes, or the existence of political dowry is a sign that there has been a political transaction becoming one of the indicators of pragmatism reality in society


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Stephany

The undesirable outcomes linked to high levels of income inequality are numerous. The existing literature argues that negative effects of inequality are channelled by low levels of trust. This study gives evidence that trust in government organisations diminishes in an environment of high inequality. With the introduction of a subjective measure of how individuals perceive income inequality, past limitations in quantifying the underlying mechanism between inequality and trust are addressed. A significant negative association between perceived inequality and trust in political institutions, like the government and the EU, is found using a sample of 27 European countries. Additionally, the negative interaction effect of perceived and actual income inequality with institutional trust appears to be stronger for individuals with previously low levels of trust and is weakened for citizens with a predicted high level of confidence in government institutions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 4-36
Author(s):  
Ihar Bortnik

The article is devoted to the analysis of the special character of the political culture in Polotsk Voivodship at the end of the 16th and the beginning of the 17th century. The research of these phenomena is based on the instructions for local parliaments (sejmiks) as a source base and provides for a distinction between three aspects: the attitude of the gentry towards the existing political system and its institutions; social and political values and norms of the gentry; the gentry’s response to decisions made by political institutions as well as its requirements and wishes towards the political system. The author has come to the conclusion that the political culture of the Polotsk gentry at the turn of the 16th and 17th century is characterized by high level of political activity.


Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


2010 ◽  
pp. 169-173
Author(s):  
Martin Todd

The current high world sugar prices reflect a major imbalance between global supply and demand, which has reduced stocks to very low levels. Although it remains to be seen whether prices will rise much above current values, it is clear that the supply chain will remain stretched throughout 2010 and this will help to maintain prices at a high level.


Author(s):  
Jerg Gutmann ◽  
Stefan Voigt

Abstract Many years ago, Emmanuel Todd came up with a classification of family types and argued that the historically prevalent family types in a society have important consequences for its economic, political, and social development. Here, we evaluate Todd's most important predictions empirically. Relying on a parsimonious model with exogenous covariates, we find mixed results. On the one hand, authoritarian family types are, in stark contrast to Todd's predictions, associated with increased levels of the rule of law and innovation. On the other hand, and in line with Todd's expectations, communitarian family types are linked to racism, low levels of the rule of law, and late industrialization. Countries in which endogamy is frequently practiced also display an expectedly high level of state fragility and weak civil society organizations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 56 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 745-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken G Ryan ◽  
Ewald E Swinny ◽  
Chris Winefield ◽  
Kenneth R Markham

AbstractWild-type Arabidopsis L. leaves exposed to low ultraviolet-B (U V B ) conditions contained predominantly kaempferol glycosides, with low levels of quercetin glycosides. The flavonoid level doubled on treatment with UVB and an increase in the ratio of quercetin: kaempferol was observed. These results suggest that flavonols protect Arabidopsis plants from UVB damage, and indicate that the flavonoid 3’-hydroxylase (F3’H) enzyme, which converts dihydrokaempferol to dihydroquercetin, may play a crucial role. The tt7 mutant lacks this gene and, after treatment with sub-ambient UVB, contained kaempferol glycosides exclusively, to a level of total flavonols similar to that in wild-type Arabidopsis. Total flavonols after enhanced UVB treatment were higher in tt7 than in similarly treated wild-type plants, and only kaempferol glycosides were detected. Despite this high level, tt7 plants were less tolerant of UVB radiation than wild-type plants. These observations suggests that kaempferol is a less effective photoprotectant than quercetin. The chalcone isomerase (CHI) mutant (tt5) surprisingly did not accumulate naringenin chalcone, and this suggests that the mutation may not be restricted to the CHI gene alone. The concentration of hydroxycinnamic acid derivatives did not change with UVB treatment in most varieties indicating that their role in UV photoprotection may be subordinate to that of the flavonoids.


1996 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 435-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Holden

AbstractThis analysis of the historically high level of state-sponsored violence in Central America, typically explained in terms of ‘authoritarianism’ or ‘civil-military relations’, argues for according it a more independent research status. Three historic dimensions of state-sponsored violence – the mechanisms by which caudillo violence was displaced upward in the late 19th century, the level of subaltern collaboration with the agents of state violence as a function of clientelist politics, and the intrusion of US military power after 1940 – are proposed. The implications for the utility of political culture theory and for a reevaluation of the literature on civil-military relations are developed.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peng Chen ◽  
Zhongbo Yu ◽  
Markus Czymzik ◽  
Ala Aldahan ◽  
Jinguo Wang ◽  
...  

<p>Multiple proxy records have been used for the understanding of environmental and climate changes during the Holocene. For the first time, we here measure meteoric <sup>10</sup>Be isotope of sediments from a drill core collected at the Kunlun Pass (KP) on the northeastern Qinghai-Tibet Plateau (NETP) to investigate mositure and atmospheric circulation changes during the Holocene. The <sup>10</sup>Be flux suggests relative low levels in the Early Holocene, followed by a sharp increase to high values at around 4 ka BP (4 ka BP = 4000 years before present). Afterwards, the <sup>10</sup>Be flux remains on a high level during the Late Holocene, but decreases slightly towards today. These <sup>10</sup>Be deposition patterns are compared to moisture changes in regions dominated by the Indian Summer Monsoon (ISM), East Asian Summer Monsoon (EASM), and the Westerlies. Different from the gradual changes in monsoon patterns, the <sup>10</sup>Be data reveal low levels during the Early Holocene until ~4 ka BP when an obvious increase was indicated and a relative high level continues to this day, which is relatively more in agreement with patterns of the Westerlies. This finding provides a new evidence for a shift in the dominant pattern of atmospheric circulation at the KP region from a more monsoonal one to one dominated by the Westerlies. Our results improve the understanding of non-stationary interactions and spatial relevance of the EASM, the ISM and the Westerlies on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau.</p>


1999 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah J. Yashar

Scholars of democratic consolidation have come to focus on the links between political institutions and enduring regime outcomes. This article takes issue with the conceptual and analytical underpinnings of this literature by highlighting how new political institutions, rather than securing democratic politics, have in fact had a more checkered effect. It delineates why the theoretical expectations of the democratic consolidation literature have not been realized and draws, by example, on the contemporary ethnic movements that are now challenging third-wave democracies. In particular, it highlights how contemporary indigenous movements, emerging in response to unevenly institutionalized reforms, pose a postliberal challenge to Latin America's I newly founded democracies. These movements have sparked political debates and constitutional reforms over community rights, territorial autonomy, and a multiethnic citizenry. As a whole, I they have laid bare the weakness of state institutions, the contested terms of democracy, and the I indeterminacy of ethnic accommodation in the region. As such, these movements highlight the need to qualify somewhat premature and narrow discussions of democratic consolidation in favor I of a broader research agenda on democratic politics.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document