scholarly journals BUDAYA POLITIK DALAM MASYARAKAT PRAGMATIS

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-26
Author(s):  
Sumartono Sumartono

General elections and regional head elections in Indonesia are conducted directly. The pattern of community participation is changed. The emergence of pragmatism or political pragmatism in society becomes an interesting political culture to study. Practically, pragmatism means a condition that encourages people to get benefits instantly. As a result, people take any actions to make it happen. In reality, pragmatism not only affects the upper classes (those with a high level of education) but also ordinary people (lower class society or those with low levels of political education). The development of money politics, cow trade politics, the sale of votes, or the existence of political dowry is a sign that there has been a political transaction becoming one of the indicators of pragmatism reality in society

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
GOVERNANCE: JURNAL POLITIK LOKAL DAN PEMBANGUNAN

This research was conducted at Pasar Muara Bungo District. The location was chosen on purpose or "purposive". The location was chosen because it was included in 3 (three) Districts that had a high level of golput (white group) compared to other Districts in Bungo Regency, namely 4.817 voters or 10,5%. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence the high level of abstention from the community in the 2011 Pemilukada Bungo Regency in Pasar Muara Bungo District. The method in this research is quantitative with data taken from the Permanent Voters List (DPT) of the Bungo Regency Pemilukada in 2011. The results show that among the factors that cause low levels of community participation in post-conflict local elections are socio-economic factors, passive community participation and psychological and rational factors


2013 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-607 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN GUTMANN

AbstractThis article explores the pre-war background of the Swiss, Swedish and Danish men who volunteered for the Nazi Waffen-SS combat formation during the Second World War. Through a detailed biographical examination of officer corps volunteers, this article contradicts what I call the myth of the volunteers – a long-standing popular and to some extent scholarly interpretation that perceives the volunteers as lower-class, social outsiders of a criminally inclined or mentally unstable nature. Instead this article demonstrates that these men held a distinctly European outlook and were characterised by a high level of education, intellect and their strong personal character. Moreover, they had with few exceptions developed a longing for a radical reorganisation of the European political, social and economic landscape before joining the Waffen-SS. This longing was amplified by what these men perceived as a threat to the core of European civilisation coming not only from the Bolshevik East but also from the Anglo-Liberal West.


Author(s):  
Robert Nyenhuis ◽  
Robert Mattes

A useful summary of political culture is a people’s values, knowledge, and evaluations of their political community, political regime, and political institutions, as well as how they see themselves and others as citizens. Although the current map of Africa was originally drawn by European colonial powers, its states and state boundaries are no longer artificial abstractions. Ordinary Africans have developed a strong identification with their national identities, even as many maintain strong attachments to subnational linguistic, regional, or religious identities. Africans also say they want those states to be governed democratically, though the depth of their commitment to all aspects of democratic governance is not always consistent. Other aspects of political culture are marked by important contradictions. Even though people can be highly critical of incumbent leaders, they tend to exhibit high and often uncritical levels of trust in government and state institutions. At the same time, they express very low levels of trust in other citizens, or at least in those who do not share common ethnic or local identities. Yet they have high levels of membership in community organizations and are often involved in local politics. And though they express a high level of interest in politics, most Africans exhibit low levels of political efficacy. But Africa is not a country, and these attitudes often are often very different across the continent. Indeed, in many places, it is far from certain whether citizen support is sufficient to sustain the multiparty systems and democratic rule that emerged in the 1990s.


2010 ◽  
pp. 169-173
Author(s):  
Martin Todd

The current high world sugar prices reflect a major imbalance between global supply and demand, which has reduced stocks to very low levels. Although it remains to be seen whether prices will rise much above current values, it is clear that the supply chain will remain stretched throughout 2010 and this will help to maintain prices at a high level.


Author(s):  
Katarzyna Zatońska ◽  
Piotr Psikus ◽  
Alicja Basiak-Rasała ◽  
Zuzanna Stępnicka ◽  
Maria Wołyniec ◽  
...  

(1) Background: Alcohol is a leading risk factor of premature morbidity and mortality. The objective of this study was to investigate the patterns of alcohol consumption in the PURE Poland cohort study baseline. (2) Methods: A Polish cohort was enrolled in the baseline study in 2007–2010. The study group consisted of 2021 adult participants of urban and rural areas from the Lower Silesia voivodeship in Poland (747 men and 1274 women). (3) Results: In the overall study population, 67.3% were current drinkers, 10.3% were former drinkers, and 22.4% were abstainers. Current use of alcohol products was more prevalent in men (77.2%), people living in urban areas (73.0%), and people with a higher level of education (78.0%). The percentage of current drinkers decreased with increasing age (from 73.4% in 30- to 44-year-olds to 48.8% in participants aged 64 and more). The majority of participants (89.2%) declared a low level of alcohol intake. The chance of high level of intake of alcohol was four times higher in men than in women (OR 4.17; CI 1.64–10.6). The majority of participants (54.6%) declared most frequent consumption of low-alcohol drinks (beer, wine) and 21% declared most frequent consumption of spirits. Current drinkers had almost 1.5-fold higher odds of diabetes and cardiovascular diseases (CVD) than never drinkers (OR 1.49, CI 1.03–2.17; OR 1.66, CI 1.27–2.18, respectively). Former drinkers had higher odds for hypertension and CVD than never drinkers (1.73, CI 1.05–2.85; OR 1.76, CI 1.22–2.53, respectively). (4) Conclusions: In our cohort study, we observed several socio-demographic factors differentiating the patterns of alcohol consumption. The preventive programs should focus predominantly on men, people aged <45 years, and those with a higher level of education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-158
Author(s):  
James A. Harris

AbstractMy point of departure in this essay is Smith’s definition of government. “Civil government,” he writes, “so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defence of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.” First I unpack Smith’s definition of government as the protection of the rich against the poor. I argue that, on Smith’s view, this is always part of what government is for. I then turn to the question of what, according to Smith, our governors can do to protect the wealth of the rich from the resentment of the poor. I consider, and reject, the idea that Smith might conceive of education as a means of alleviating the resentment of the poor at their poverty. I then describe how, in his lectures on jurisprudence, Smith refines and develops Hume’s taxonomy of the opinions upon which all government rests. The sense of allegiance to government, according to Smith, is shaped by instinctive deference to natural forms of authority as well as by rational, Whiggish considerations of utility. I argue that it is the principle of authority that provides the feelings of loyalty upon which government chiefly rests. It follows, I suggest, that to the extent that Smith looked to government to protect the property of the rich against the poor, and thereby to maintain the peace and stability of society at large, he cannot have sought to lessen the hold on ordinary people of natural sentiments of deference. In addition, I consider the implications of Smith’s theory of government for the question of his general attitude toward poverty. I argue against the view that Smith has recognizably “liberal,” progressive views of how the poor should be treated. Instead, I locate Smith in the political culture of the Whiggism of his day.


Author(s):  
Jerg Gutmann ◽  
Stefan Voigt

Abstract Many years ago, Emmanuel Todd came up with a classification of family types and argued that the historically prevalent family types in a society have important consequences for its economic, political, and social development. Here, we evaluate Todd's most important predictions empirically. Relying on a parsimonious model with exogenous covariates, we find mixed results. On the one hand, authoritarian family types are, in stark contrast to Todd's predictions, associated with increased levels of the rule of law and innovation. On the other hand, and in line with Todd's expectations, communitarian family types are linked to racism, low levels of the rule of law, and late industrialization. Countries in which endogamy is frequently practiced also display an expectedly high level of state fragility and weak civil society organizations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 56 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 745-754 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken G Ryan ◽  
Ewald E Swinny ◽  
Chris Winefield ◽  
Kenneth R Markham

AbstractWild-type Arabidopsis L. leaves exposed to low ultraviolet-B (U V B ) conditions contained predominantly kaempferol glycosides, with low levels of quercetin glycosides. The flavonoid level doubled on treatment with UVB and an increase in the ratio of quercetin: kaempferol was observed. These results suggest that flavonols protect Arabidopsis plants from UVB damage, and indicate that the flavonoid 3’-hydroxylase (F3’H) enzyme, which converts dihydrokaempferol to dihydroquercetin, may play a crucial role. The tt7 mutant lacks this gene and, after treatment with sub-ambient UVB, contained kaempferol glycosides exclusively, to a level of total flavonols similar to that in wild-type Arabidopsis. Total flavonols after enhanced UVB treatment were higher in tt7 than in similarly treated wild-type plants, and only kaempferol glycosides were detected. Despite this high level, tt7 plants were less tolerant of UVB radiation than wild-type plants. These observations suggests that kaempferol is a less effective photoprotectant than quercetin. The chalcone isomerase (CHI) mutant (tt5) surprisingly did not accumulate naringenin chalcone, and this suggests that the mutation may not be restricted to the CHI gene alone. The concentration of hydroxycinnamic acid derivatives did not change with UVB treatment in most varieties indicating that their role in UV photoprotection may be subordinate to that of the flavonoids.


1996 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 435-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Holden

AbstractThis analysis of the historically high level of state-sponsored violence in Central America, typically explained in terms of ‘authoritarianism’ or ‘civil-military relations’, argues for according it a more independent research status. Three historic dimensions of state-sponsored violence – the mechanisms by which caudillo violence was displaced upward in the late 19th century, the level of subaltern collaboration with the agents of state violence as a function of clientelist politics, and the intrusion of US military power after 1940 – are proposed. The implications for the utility of political culture theory and for a reevaluation of the literature on civil-military relations are developed.


2012 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 350-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Wassen

This article examines three passages from the Rule of the Congregation and the Damascus Document that pertain to the topic of children’s education. The education of children was considered important within the Qumran movement, which is evident in the curriculum in 1QSa and the fact that such a high-level official as the Examiner had a supervisory role over the teaching. In contrast to the level of education of children in Jewish society in general at the turn of the era, which appears to have been quite rudimentary and consisting mainly of memorization, it appears that children within the movement received a thorough education in both reading and writing. The content of the teaching focused on the laws of the Torah and the Book of Hagu, which is an unknown composition. It is likely that both boys and girls received some education. Cet article examine trois passages de la Règle de la Congrégation et le Document de Damas qui se rapportent au thème de l’éducation des enfants. L’éducation des enfants était considérée comme importante au sein du mouvement de Qumrân, importance qui est évidente dans le programme de 1QSa et le fait qu’un tel fonctionnaire de haut niveau que l’examinateur a eu un rôle de supervision sur l’enseignement. Contrairement au niveau de l’éducation des enfants dans la société juive en général au début de l’époque, qui semble avoir été assez rudimentaire et composé principalement de mémorisation, il semble que les enfants au sein du mouvement ont reçu une éducation complète en lecture et en écrit. Le contenu de l’enseignement a été axé sur les lois de la Torah et le Livre d’Hagu, qui est une composition inconnue. Il est probable que les garçons et les filles ont reçu une certaine éducation.


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