Slavery in Islamic Central Asia

Author(s):  
Jeff Eden

By the late 19th century, when much of Islamic Central Asia was conquered by the Russian Empire, the region was home to tens of thousands of slaves. Most of these slaves were Shiʿa Muslims from northern Iran, though the slave trade also ensnared many Russians, Armenians, Kalmyks, and others. Slave labor was especially commonplace in the Sunni Muslim domains of Khwarazm and Bukhara, where enslaved people constituted a substantial proportion of all agricultural workers, domestic servants, and soldiers. Slaves also labored in many other roles, and an individual slave could be tasked with a variety of jobs. Slaves served, for example, as concubines, craftsmen, miners, herdsmen, entertainers, blacksmiths, calligraphers, and even, in rare instances, as government officials. Before the 16th century, the majority of the slaves in Central Asia—defined here as the region extending from the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea through Xinjiang, China, and from southern Siberia to northern Iran—seem to have been trafficked to the region from India. This changed in the 16th and 17th centuries, as a significant number of Iranian war-captives were brought north and enslaved during the course of numerous armed conflicts between the Central Asian Uzbeks and Iranian Safavids. Many of these slaves evidently labored on the region’s rapidly expanding agricultural estates. In the 18th and 19th centuries, frequent Turkmen raids into northern Iran resulted in tens of thousands of Iranian Shiʿas being captured and funneled into a booming slave trade in Khwarazm and Bukhara. Further north, a much smaller number of Russians were seized and sold into slavery by Kazakh nomads along the steppe frontier. The region’s slave trade declined in the late 19th century and seems to have remained dormant throughout the Soviet period. The post-Soviet period has witnessed a resurgence of human trafficking throughout Central Asia. In recent decades, local governments and international organizations have labored with mixed success to combat a new kind of slave trade, as Central Asian victims are trafficked by criminal cartels to neighboring countries, or to other regions of the world, for the purposes of forced labor or sexual exploitation.

The article covers the development of Central Asian women in the late 19th century, their research on education, in particular Dilshod Barno, one of the enlightened women, her life and work, and the school she founded. In particular, there are reports that Turkestan joined the tsarist empire and as a result significantly changed the lives and social status of Muslim women in Central Asia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-135
Author(s):  
Sergey Valentinovich Lyubichankovskiy

The paper contains analysis of development tendencies of the Russian Empire foreign trade with Central Asian khanates in the first quarter of the 19th century. The authors found that the Russian State didnt pay much attention to the Asian customs policy in this direction for a long time. It was due to the fact that the trade with Central Asian khanates was of exchange and caravan character. The author came to the conclusion that the heads of the Orenburg Region - military and civil governors - made great efforts to change that situation and made special rules for the foreign trade development in the Orenburg Region. It promoted commodity turnover increase. The author proved that in the first quarter of the 19th century the most important element of Central Asian trade development crisis in the Orenburg direction was the fact that merchants from Central Asia dominated Russian merchants in the numerical ratio. However, the ministry of finance and E.F. Kankrin refused to forbid Central Asian merchants to trade at internal Russian fairs as it would result in stagnation in trade and would make prices for goods higher. This problem for the first quarter of the 19th century couldnt be solved as it was connected with the geopolitical status quo existing in the region. It only started to get solutions with an active military advance of Russia to Central Asia in the second half of the 19th century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-40
Author(s):  
Michał Kuryłowicz

This article contains a comparative analysis of the narratives concerning the Great Patriotic War that can be found in textbooks in the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. The aim of the study is to show the similarities and differences between these narratives and to reveal to what degree the picture of the conflict that was shaped during the Soviet period has been revised. At the same time, the aim is to juxtapose the contents of Central Asian textbooks with the narrative present in the Russian history education system. The analysis aims not only to identify discrepancies, but also to identify the reasons for the existing state of affairs and relate them to the politics of memory pursued in individual countries.


Author(s):  
С.М. Исхаков

Статья посвящена малоизвестной биографии Керим бея Ратая, представителя туркменского народа, и его трактовки истории борьбы туркмен за самоопределение в первой трети ХХ века. Публикуемая записка представляет собой источник, который отражает разные проблемы, связанные с туркменской историей, содержит его размышления о ситуации в Средней Азии, об историческом процессе в Северной Евразии, сведения, которые, которые потребуют дополнительного изучения. Из приведенных им рассуждений следует, что туркмены испытывали неприятие навязываемого им большевиками пути общественного развития, борясь за самостоятельность. На его взгляд, борьба туркмен в условиях советской власти вовсе не прекратилась, а закончится только тогда, когда ими будет завоевана независимость, когда ими будет воссоздано собственное государство, что и произошло с распадом СССР. This article presents a biography of Kerim Bey Ratay, a Turkmen, and his interpretation of the Turkmen struggle for self-determination in the first third of the 20th century. The source published here reflects various problems of Turkmen history, contains Kerim's thoughts on the situation in Central Asia, and gives insight on the historical processes in Northern Eurasia, providing information that requires further research. His take on the situation indicates that the Turkmen people did not like the social development choices being forced on them by the Bolsheviks and were fighting for independence. In his opinion, the Turkmen struggle never ceased after the establishment of Soviet rule and that it would only end when the Turkmen gained independence and reestablished their own state – that is exactly what happened with the dissolution of the USSR.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-103
Author(s):  
Shinji Ido

The present article describes the vowel chain shift that occurred in the variety of Tajik spoken by Jewish residents in Bukhara. It identifies the chain shift as constituting of an intermediate stage of the Northern Tajik chain shift and accordingly tentatively concludes that in the Northern Tajik chain shift Early New Persian ā shifted before ō did, shedding light on the process whereby the present-day Tajik vowel system was established. The article is divided into three parts. The first provides an explanation of the variety of Tajik spoken by Jewish inhabitants of Bukhara. The second section explains the relationship between this particular variety and other varieties that have been used by Jews in Central Asia. The third section deals specifically with the vowel system of the variety and the changes that it has undergone since the late 19th century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliette Cleuziou ◽  
Lucia Direnberger

This article introduces a thematic issue consisting of five articles, which analyze the complex interrelations between gender norms and representations and the construction of nationalism in the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. Drawing from gender and feminist studies, the first section explores how Central Asian nationalisms have promoted hierarchized gender roles to reinforce their legitimacy, noticeably invoking the authority of “tradition.” The second section examines not only how the Soviet period continues to shape contemporary nation-building processes in the region, but also how the latter has been creating new historical references to emancipate them from the Soviet legacy - and from the Soviet policy toward women in particular. The third section examines how gender norms promoted by Central Asian states may affect women in their everyday life and how they may negotiate, refuse, or promote these norms. In the final section, we show how “gender equality” has become a watchword of international organizations’ agendas and we analyze the production and implementation of this international agenda setting in a specific national context.


Author(s):  
Viktor Fedorko

The structural and morphological restructuring of the transport-geographic systems of the countries of Central Asia has become a reflection of the radical transformation of the geopolitical space of the region in the post-Soviet era. From the very beginning of a new period of development in the countries of the region, the disintegration of a single (end-to-end) road transport framework that developed during the Soviet period was consistently taking place. This was due to the desire of the countries of the region to minimize their own transport dependence on neighbors, while simultaneously enhancing transport-logistics advantages to exert geopolitical pressure on neighboring states. Under the influence of the corresponding geostrategic landmarks, the countries of the region have consistently built a new configuration of transport-logistics systems during the post-Soviet period. The article examines the changes in the geography of the main road transport communications of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan that have occurred over the past three decades. It was revealed that the most morphologically transformed transport systems of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, characterized by relatively favorable geomorphological conditions for transport construction and more significant economic opportunities. In the predominantly mountainous terrain of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, which also have a significantly more modest investment potential, the transformation of the transport-geographic space has occurred to a less pronounced degree. Special attention is paid to the prospects for the reintegration of transport systems of the Central Asian countries, which emerged after 2016, in connection with the profound changes in Uzbekistan's foreign policy towards the border countries of Central Asia, initiated and consistently implemented by the new leadership of the republic, headed by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev.


Author(s):  
Ilhomjon Ganievich Kholbekov ◽  
◽  
Dilshodjon Nematjon O’g’li Yusupov ◽  

This article explores works by Western travelers that contain a wealth of valuable information about the history of Central Asia.


Author(s):  
Nurbibi Kh. Khudaiberdieva

The paper analyzes the attitude of Turkey to the policy of neutrality of Turkmenistan in the period from 1995 to 2016. Based on the geopolitical situation in the Central Asian region in the post-Soviet period, the author identifies the reasons for Turkmenistan’s adoption of a neutral status. Among the reasons for this decision by the Turkmen leadership are the deterioration of the situation in the region, the desire of the great powers and regional leaders to strengthen their positions in Central Asia, including in the energy sector, Turkey’s active position in the post-Soviet period aimed at developing political, energy, and humanitarian contacts, and the desire of The Niyazov regime to limit external influence on the country’s internal and foreign policy. The author noted the influence of the status of neutrality on the implementation of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy and the attitude of Turkey to this process. In the development of Turkmenistan’s neutrality policy in 1995–2016, two stages can be conditionally distinguished: the first is 1995–2006 when the policy of neutrality bordering on isolationism, which seriously limited Turkey’s contacts with Turkmenistan; the second is 2007–2016 when the expansion of cooperation between Turkmenistan and Turkey, including in the security sphere. In the 2007–2016 Turkey sought to expand its geopolitical influence over Turkmenistan by maintaining its neutrality, which led to the formation of a close political and economic dialogue between Ankara and Ashgabat.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.


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