Women in Nationalist Movements

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selina Makana
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Grassroots Organizing ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
Gender Consciousness ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
Personal Histories ◽  
Colonial Oppression ◽  
Independence Movements

Nationalist movements in Africa may have been led by male luminaries, but the influence and successes of these movements largely depended on women’s grassroots organizing and mobilizing. Women played central roles in local and national organizing efforts, and in some cases, many of them joined their male counterparts on the front lines of war during the armed struggle. From leading protests against taxation policies to distributing anti-colonial propaganda pamphlets, as well as feeding and treating wounded guerrilla soldiers, women’s roles in nationalist movements were diverse. Whether popular mobilization or clandestine networks, women’s anti–colonial efforts were met often with violent resistance from colonial regimes. Many activists were flogged, arrested and imprisoned as a way to repress and immobilize their political participation. While their personal histories and motivations for joining independence movements differed and varied, many women participated in these movements because they saw their emancipation as women as closely linked with the liberation of their countries. Within various movements, women took their duties as patriotic mothers seriously and for most of them, their gender consciousness was awakened as a result of their political participation and their desire for independence. However, participating in national liberation struggles involved more than just fighting against colonial oppression. Despite their influence and active involvement, women had to contend with their own subordination and marginalization within various nationalist movements due to the patriarchal structures that characterized nationalist politics. A struggle that many female politicians and activists continue to engage within the 21st century.

Rwanda

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doris Buss ◽  
Jerusa Ali
Keyword(s):  
Best Practices ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Social Outcomes ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Female Politicians

Since the end of the genocide and civil war in Rwanda, various measures have been implemented to facilitate women’s political participation. This chapter looks to post-conflict Rwanda as a case study in the successes and limitations in efforts to increase women’s participation in public life. The chapter details the desired outcomes of increased political participation by women before turning to the Rwandan example. It argues that while the increased presence of women in public life has resulted in some positive economic, political, and social outcomes, the power of female politicians is largely limited and has not resulted in sustainable or equitable long-term policies. The chapter concludes that while Rwanda has formally adopted many of the international best practices of transitional justice, its overall gains in women’s participation are more uneven, contradictory, and nonlinear than is often recognized.

scholarly journals Supermadres, Maternal Legacies and Women's Political Participation in Contemporary Latin America

2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUSAN FRANCESCHET ◽  
JENNIFER M. PISCOPO ◽  
GWYNN THOMAS
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
National Level ◽  
Media Analysis ◽  
Structural Constraints ◽  
Cultural Narratives ◽  
American Women ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Elite Interviews

AbstractElsa Chaney once argued that Latin American women turned to motherhood to justify their political participation. Now that Latin American women have gained unprecedented access to national-level office, we ask whether these cultural narratives of maternalism still condition female politicians’ access to political power. Using public opinion data, media analysis, and elite interviews, we conceptualise four strategic frames deployed by elite women to justify their national-level political careers: the traditional supermadre, the technocratic caretaker, the macho minimiser, and the difference denier. We argue that while today's female politicians have developed diverse responses to maternalism, their access to public office remains profoundly shaped by structural constraints and cultural narratives that privilege traditional feminine ideals of caretaking.

Small Groups Don’t Win Revolutions: Armed Struggle in the Memory of Maoist Militants of Política Popular

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Jorge Ivan Puma Crespo
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Small Groups ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Mass Line ◽  
Northern Mexico

Política Popular, an unarmed Maoist group operating from 1968 to 1979 in northern Mexico, developed as it did because of the attraction of the “mass line” in its interpretation as a direct-democratic model for political participation. This is why activists from the student movement of 1968 adopted Maoist ideas as an ideological guide. Maoism as a simple organizational catechism easily captured their imagination and persuaded squatters and workers to join them in challenging the authoritarian Mexican regime. El grupo maoísta no armado Política Popular, que operara de 1968 a 1979 en el norte de México, se desarrolló como tal debido a la atracción de la “línea de masas” interpretada como un modelo democrático directo de participación política. Fue por esta razón que los activistas del movimiento estudiantil de 1968 adoptaron conceptos maoístas como guía ideológica. La sencilla naturaleza del Maoísmo como catecismo organizacional capturó fácilmente la imaginación estudiantil y persuadió a las poblaciones marginales y trabajadores de unirse a ellos en su lucha contra el régimen autoritario mexicano.

scholarly journals Mapping Heterotopia: Port B’s Excavation of Asia in Tokyo

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Sharon Hayashi
Keyword(s):  
Personal Narratives ◽  
Smartphone Application ◽  
Asian Immigrants ◽  
Historical Significance ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Personal Histories ◽  
History Of ◽  
Guided Tour ◽  
The City ◽  
Independence Movements

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The term mapping can literally mean the pinpointing of coordinates on a map, but also the more general task of taking stock of what can be seen and the frameworks that limit or expand that vision. For French philosopher Jacques Rancière, asking the question ‘Where are we?’ means two things at once: “how can we characterize the situation in which we live, think and act to-day?” but also, by the same token, “how does the perception of this situation oblige us to reconsider the framework we use to “see” things and map situations, to move within this framework or get away from it?” In other words, “how does it urge us to change our very way of determining the coordinates [not just of the map but] of the “here and now”?”</p><p>The Tokyo based collective Port B, led by Akira Takayama, has inventively used tour performances as a process of mapping, of transforming the frameworks that shape our understanding of everyday spaces in the city. Port B’s smartphone application Tokyo Heterotopia is a self-guided tour of 13 ‘locations of difference’ that emphasizes not only the spatial but also the historical dimension of mapping. Based on the premise of a fake Asian gourmet tour, it encourages users to reconsider in a tactile way the historical significance, presence and personal histories of Asian immigrants to Tokyo. Users navigate themselves to locations across Tokyo, including Asian restaurants, food stalls, supermarkets, and student dormitories. These nondescript sites are made visible not by markers or monuments but by the user’s presence which triggers dramatized stories of personal narratives of migration to Tokyo and their relationship to wider global forces of colonialism, capitalism and postwar independence movements. Tokyo Heterotopia rewrites the history of Asia in Tokyo “media artistically, that is, taking into account the materialities through which history is articulated, not relying on written narrative as the only way of producing historical, temporal knowledge.” Tokyo Heterotopia immerses the user not only in the heterogenous elements or ‘locations of difference’ of the city, but in a heterochronia where the overlooked past can be joined with the experience of the everyday in the present to incrementally re-map our understanding of the city.</p>

scholarly journals Women in Politics in Matrilineal Society: A Case Study of West Sumatra, Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Selinaswati Selinaswati
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
West Sumatra ◽  
Women's Political Participation

Studies of women in politics have mostly been done within patriarchal socialstructures around the world. These studies show that women have many potentialopportunities to become involved in public life; as voters in elections, like politicalcandidates, and if successful as members of the administrative class or asMembers of Parliament (MPs). However, female politicians may be affected byseveral factors within the social, economic, political and cultural systems. Thisthesis examined whether the matrilineal social structure of the province of WestSumatra, Indonesia, influences women’s political participation in localparliaments. West Sumatra is dominated by the Minangkabau ethnic group,which has a matrilineal tradition that provides more opportunities for women interms of property ownership and non-household activities. It was assumed thatwomen who were involved in local politics would be affected by these culturalvalues.This research was a case study. Three categories of informants, femalepoliticians, community leaders, and voters, were interviewed to identify thestrategies and experiences of female politicians and the diversity of opinionregarding female politicians in this matrilineal society. Data was obtainedthrough fieldwork carried out from July to October 2012 in West Sumatra.During this period, in-depth, semi-structured interviews were carried out inlocations where female politicians had been elected to the local parliament.Additional information was obtained from 17 voting members of the publicthrough the use of a questionnaire. Secondary data were obtained fromgovernment documents and local parliaments, online resources, institutions, andorganizations.The study found that the matrilineal system in West Sumatra inspired femalepoliticians in their efforts to gain a seat in parliament. However, they alsoexperienced disadvantages in the matrilineal and Indonesian political system. Itwas found that the opinions of community leaders toward female politicianswere largely neutral and saw female politicians as compared to male ones. Thevoting public tends to have less knowledge about female politicians and viewedthem as not significantly better than male politicians. The study concludes thatthe matrilineal structure of West Sumatran society does not have much impacton women’s political participation and female politicians can benefit byimproving their capabilities in order to win a seat in parliament. Additionally,the Indonesian government might play a role in bridging the gap between lowand high-level political participation by women and develop ways to includeaspects of local culture such as the matrilineal system into its policies that relateto political autonomy at the regional level.

A United Front

2021 ◽  
pp. 87-108
Author(s):  
António Tomás
Keyword(s):  
African Diaspora ◽  
The Other ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
The People ◽  
United Front ◽  
Portuguese Colonialism ◽  
Cape Verdeans

Cape Verdeans and Guineans were conceived in the context of Portuguese colonialism as the nemesis one of the other. Whereas Cape Verdeans were considered civilized, the overwhelmingly majority of Guineans fell under the category of indiginato. And yet, the party that Cabral created purported to congregate Cape Verdeans in Guineans. For this to happen, however, Cabral needed to navigate the tense and conspiratorial environment of incipient nationalist movements both in Guinea-Conacry and Senegal, vying for the support of their hosts. The beginning of the armed struggle against the Portuguese, in 1963, was instrumental for Cabral to silence every other nationalist force in the African diaspora as well as impose his movement as the sole representative of the aspirations of the people of Cape Verdeans and Guineans.

Castro and the Cuban Communist Party

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-252
Author(s):  
Alan Angell
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
Long Run ◽  
History Of ◽  
At Home

When Castro addressed a mass rally in Havana on the thirteenth anniversary of his unsuccessful attempt to storm the Moncada barracks, he referred with some feeling to what he called the ‘traditional communist parties’ of Latin America, attacking them for opposing his strategy of armed struggle which he claimed was the only correct way to seize power. In doing this Castro underlined the uniqueness of the Cuban situation in Latin America, and the difkulties attendant upon any attempt at classifying the Cuban revolution within the customary framework of communism in that continent.Latin American communist movements have a poor record as insurrectionary forces. Inview of the fierce suppression of communism by governments seeking an easy target at home, and approbation in Washington, it is perhaps not surprising that the 1935 uprising in Brazil stands almost alone in the history of communist attempts at seizing power by revolution in Latin America. But the communists add themselves to the weakness of their position. Their record of dealings with dictators, including of course Batista in Cuba, however theoretically justified in the long run, discredits them in the eyes of the powerful, and growing, radical, nationalist movements.

scholarly journals Rekontruksi Teori Partisipasi Politik Dalam Diskursus Pemikiran Politik Negara

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nur Rohim Yunus ◽  
Muhammad Sholeh ◽  
Ida Susilowati
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract:Community involvement in a democratic party is important and must exist, because it is a manifestation of true democracy. Citizens are directly involved in the decision-making process, implementing decisions, influencing decision-making processes, influencing government policies, including relating to active involvement and passive involvement of each individual in the hierarchy of government political systems. All this involvement is known as a form of political participation. This study wants to rebuild political participation as a basic theory in the country's political thinking. So that the relationship can be drawn between the role of community political participation and the success of democracy itself.Keywords: Participation, Politics, Democracy Abstrak:Keterlibatan masyarakat dalam pesta demokrasi merupakan hal penting dan harus ada, karena ia merupakan perwujudan demokrasi yang sebenarnya. Warga negara terlibat langsung dalam proses pembuatan keputusan, melaksanakan keputusan, mempengaruhi proses pengambilan keputusan, mempengaruhi kebijakan pemerintah, termasuk berkaitan dengan keterlibatan aktif maupun keterlibatan pasif setiap individu dalam hierarki sistem politik pemerintahan. Semua keterlibatan ini dikenal sebagai bentuk partisipasi politik. Penelitian ini ingin membangun kembali partisipasi politik sebagai teori dasar dalam pemikiran politik negara. Sehingga dengannya dapat ditarik benang merah antara peran partisipasi politik masyarakat dengan kesuksesan demokrasi itu sendiri.Kata Kunci: Partisipasi, Politik, Demokrasi  

Las primeras elecciones populares en la ciudad de México. 1812-1813

1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
New Spain ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Armed Struggle

This article examines the elections held in Mexico City as a result of the Constitution of 1812. The first popular elections held in New Spain provided large sectors of the population not only an opportunity to participate in politics, but also an alternative to the armed struggle. The electoral process contributed to the development of new forms of political participation. It also created electoral patterns which continued after independence.

The History and Evolution of Independence Movements in Tunisia

2017 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-88
Author(s):  
Leila El Houssi
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Arabic Language ◽  
Great War ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
Nationalist Movements ◽  
Party Line ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Independence Movements ◽  
Long Chain

After the establishment of French protectorate in 1881, the role played by the domestic nationalist movements that emerged in Tunisia during the early twentieth century is fundamentally important for any analysis of the long chain of events that ultimately led to the decolonization of the country. The first Tunisian nationalist movement was that of the Jeunes Tunisiens (Young Tunisians) in 1907, which was fronted by two charismatic leaders: al-Bašīr Ṣafar and ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah. Al-Bašīr Ṣafar, the undisputed heart and soul of the movement, was among the founders of the Ḫaldūniyyah, a journalist for Le Tunisien, and, after 1908, the governor of Sousse. ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah as an administrator at the Collège Sadiki and co-founder of Le Tunisien. After the Great War, another movement emerged demanding the creation of a parliamentary assembly made up of both French and native citizens: the Parti Libéral Constitutionnel, or Dustūr, led by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Taʿālbī, which founded the Arabic-language newspaper “Sabīl al-Rašād”. Initially underestimated by the French authorities, Dustūr would go on become a legitimate nationalist movement. In 1934, at the Congress of Ksar Hellal, the party line imposed by Dustūr frustrated and disappointed many young nationalist militants, who split away from the group and founded a movement of their own that would go on to become the primary champion of the independence struggle: Néo-Dustūr. Among these young militants were Ḥabīb Būrqībah, the leader of the new party, which radically transformed itself with a cross-class platform capable of winning the allegiance of the Tunisian masses in the fight for greater independence. As we shall see, the origins of decolonization in Tunisia indisputably lay in the creation and evolution of these nationalist groups, which built upon and succeeded one another during the first four decades of the twentieth century.

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