Ethnicity and US Neighborhoods

Author(s):  
Jordan Stanger-Ross

Ethnicity is a concept employed to understand the social, cultural, and political processes whereby immigrants and their children cease to be “foreign” and yet retain practices and networks that connect them, at least imaginatively, with places of origin. From an early juncture in American history, ethnic neighborhoods were an important part of such processes. Magnets for new arrivals, city neighborhoods both emerged from and reinforced connections among people of common origins. Among the first notable immigrant neighborhoods in American cities were those composed of people from the German-speaking states of Europe. In the second half of the 19th century, American cities grew rapidly and millions of immigrants arrived to the country from a wider array of origins; neighborhoods such as the New York’s Jewish Lower East Side and San Francisco’s Chinatown supported dense and institutionally complex ethnic networks. In the middle decades of the 20th century, immigration waned as a result of legislative restriction, economic depression, and war. Many former immigrant neighborhoods emptied of residents as cities divided along racial lines and “white ethnics” dispersed to the suburbs. However, some ethnic enclaves endured, while others emerged after the resumption of mass immigration in the 1960s. By the turn of the 21st century ethnic neighborhoods were once again an important facet of American urban life, although they took new forms within the reconfigured geography and economy of a suburbanized nation.

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 37-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sibel Bozdoğan

Deeply rooted in “the great transformation” brought about by capitalism, industrialization and urban life, the history of modern architecture in the West is intricately intertwined with the rise of the bourgeoisie. Modernism in architecture, before anything else, is a reaction to the social and environmental ills of the industrial city, and to the bourgeois aesthetic of the 19th century. It emerged first as a series of critical, utopian and radical movements in the first decades of the twentieth century, eventually consolidating itself into an architectural establishment by the 1930s. The dissemination of the so-called “modern movement” outside Europe coincides with the eclipse of the plurality and critical force of early modernist currents and their reduction to a unified, formalist and doctrinaire position.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Elena G. Serebryakova

The object of the research is the social and professional position of the writer and journalist Frida Vigdorova, which was estimated by the Soviet li­beral intelligentsia of the 1960s—1970s as extremely valuable. Her record of the trial of I. Brodsky served as a model for the drafters of reports on the trials of dissidents — A. Ginzburg, P. Litvinov, N. Gorbanevskaya, and others. Nonconformists shared the worldview principles of Vigdorova, replicated her behavioral model in the process of protecting dissidents from persecution of the authorities, and made the “advocate” model the standard of public behavior. The article aims to identify the origins of the “advocate” behavioral model formation and to characterize the journalist’s axiology. Frida Vigdorova’s journalism and memoirs of her contemporaries served as the study material.The author asserts that Vigdorova modeled her social and professional behavior on the samples crea­ted by the Russian and European tradition. V. Korolenko’s public activities was the closest reference point. To prove this thesis, the author compares Vigdorova’s behavioral tactics in the “case of Brodsky” and Korolenko’s in the “case of Beilis”. Comments of Vigdorova’s contemporaries confirm her conscious orientation to the “advocate” behavioral model, implemented not only in the “case of Brodsky”, but also in her social practice and journalism. Vigdorova’s axiology, according to her contemporaries, included active help to people, humanism and a desire for justice.Vigdorova’s journalism is devoted to the ethics of social relations. The plot of her essays is usually based on dramatic events requiring immediate public intervention. She orients the reader to empathy and active social behavior in response. Thus, the task of forming the active participation of citizens in the fate of each other is solved; the value of compassion and mercy is established.The article concludes that the axiology and beha­vioral practices of Vigdorova included the universal values for the Russian and European tradition of the 19th century — anthropocentrism and humanism.


2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (S1) ◽  
pp. 1-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL ZÜRN ◽  
STEPHAN LEIBFRIED

The influence of the state on the trajectory of human lives is more comprehensive and sustained than that of any other organizational construct. We provide a definition of the modern nation-state in four intersecting dimensions – resources, law, legitimacy, and welfare – and review the history and status of each dimension, focusing on the fusion of nation and state in the 19th century, and the development of the ‘national constellation’ of institutions in the 20th. We then assess the fate of the nation-state after the Second World War and, with western OECD countries as our sample, track the rise and decline of its Golden Age through its prime in the 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, we identify the challenges confronting the nation-state of the 21st century, and use the analyses in the following eight essays to produce some working hypotheses about its current and future trajectory – namely, that the changes over the past 40 years are not merely creases in the fabric of the nation-state, but rather an unravelling of the finely woven national constellation of its Golden Age. Nor does there appear to be any standard, interwoven development of its four dimensions on the horizon. However, although an era of structural uncertainty awaits us, it is not uniformly chaotic. Rather, we see structured, but asymmetric change in the make-up of the state, with divergent transformations in each of its four dimensions. In general, nation-states are clinging to tax revenues and monopolies on the use of force, such that the resource dimension may change slowly if at all; the rule of law appears to be moving consistently into the international arena; the welfare dimension is headed in every direction, with privatization, internationalization, supra-nationalization, and defence of the national status quo, occurring at various rates for healthcare, pensions, public utilities, consumer protection, etc. in different countries. How, and whether, the democratic legitimacy of political processes will be ensured in such an incongruent, if not incoherent and paradoxical state is still unclear.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (54) ◽  
pp. 68-77
Author(s):  
Piotr Skurowski

The paper examines and compares some of the 1960s’ most representative expressions of social critique: Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, Jane Jacobs’s The Death and Life of Great American Cities and Richard Sennett’s The Uses of Disorder, in an attempt to demonstrate how each of those intellectuals, social critics and visionaries, in their own distinct way, called for a radical departure from the established notions of the social and spatial order amidst the growing public fears of insecurity stimulated by the rising crime rate, the spread of racism and xenophobia, and the continuing “white flight” to the suburbs.


Author(s):  
Rowland Atkinson

This chapter studies the position of the wealthy and their relationship to society at large. It specifically addresses the question of the relative invisibility of the rich, and a related problem — the issue of connecting the wealthy to the kinds of social problems that are so evident to those who live less-secluded lives. Social research has long observed and analysed those at the social bottom — endless studies of poverty, crime, segregation, and what some have seen as exotic portrayals of the excluded and marginal. From the 1960s onwards, this singular viewpoint generated increasing concerns that sociology and related disciplines were acting as a wing of the state and corporate funders who wished to understand, discipline, and contain problem groups and problem people.


Author(s):  
Nadezhda Povroznik ◽  
Andrey Vladimirovich Smetanin

The article discusses how the factions in Moscow Zemstvo and Perm Zemstvo assemblies were formed in the first three years of their activity since zemstvos were founded in the second half of the 19th century. These zemstovs have been chosen in order to compare the political structure of the local government both in the capital and in provinces as well as to evaluate the factor of proximity to the imperial institutions and political processes. Both zemstvos directed the life of their economically developed guberniyas, were “active” and their experience was transferred across Russia due to its fruitful results. Social networks inform about glasnye (deputies) who led discussions as well as the decision making process and zemstvos work. As a result, one can find universal and specific features of deputies’ political fragmentation. The research methodology is the network approach and the social network analysis which provided for simulating interaction structures, identifying deputy groups and analyzing them. The authors have studied all journals of Moscow and Perm Zemstvos regular and emergency meetings held during the first three-year period of their activity and have singled out specific discussions. To study personal links they have collected auxiliary data sets providing information about deputies’ personal participation as well as the issues discussed. The study is the first to group glasnye, analyze their cliques and compare peculiar features of zemstvo meetings understudy. In general, the social network analysis supports the idea that personal activity at zemstvo meetings was more effective than the group one at the initial stage. This is supported by the voting results analysis as well. The formation of factions was also greatly hindered by social and political views of zemstvo members.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 875-894 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL MATLIN

AbstractThis article seeks to rebalance historical assessment of the debate between “pathologists” and “anti-pathologists” which dominated discussions of black urban life in the United States during the 1960s, and which continues to shape ideas about race and the urban environment today. The heated disagreement between the social psychologist Kenneth B. Clark (1914–2005) and the critic and novelist Albert Murray (1916–) presents an opportunity to consider not only the pitfalls and unintended consequences of pathologist representations of black urban life, which have received much attention from scholars in recent years, but also the problematic aspects of anti-pathologist discourse, which have largely been overlooked. The dispute between Clark and Murray also illuminates the intense competition among some African American intellectuals to claim the personal authenticity and disciplinary authority to define and represent black urban life – and to adjudicate the authenticity and authority of others.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa Jaitin

This article covers several stages of the work of Pichon-Rivière. In the 1950s he introduced the hypothesis of "the link as a four way relationship" (of reciprocal love and hate) between the baby and the mother. Clinical work with psychosis and psychosomatic disorders prompted him to examine how mental illness arises; its areas of expression, the degree of symbolisation, and the different fields of clinical observation. From the 1960s onwards, his experience with groups and families led him to explore a second path leading to "the voices of the link"—the voice of the internal family sub-group, and the place of the social and cultural voice where the link develops. This brought him to the definition of the link as a "bi-corporal and tri-personal structure". The author brings together the different levels of the analysis of the link, using as a clinical example the process of a psychoanalytic couple therapy with second generation descendants of a genocide within the limits of the transferential and countertransferential field. Body language (the core of the transgenerational link) and the couple's absences and presence during sessions create a rhythm that gives rise to an illusion, ultimately transforming the intersubjective link between the partners in the couple and with the analyst.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


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