11. Media and US foreign policy

Author(s):  
Piers Robinson

This chapter examines the academic debates over the relationship between US public opinion, media, and foreign policy. It first considers the nature of US media and public opinion, including democratic expectations of mass media and public opinion, before discussing pluralist and elite approaches to understanding the links between media, public opinion, and foreign policy. It then explores the role of propaganda and persuasion with respect to US power projection, with particular emphasis on the ways in which public opinion and media can be understood as a source of power for — and as a constraint upon — US foreign policy. It also reviews contemporary debates regarding the impact of technological developments, such as the emergence of global media like the internet and social media, upon US power and influence.

2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-39
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN E. GOLDSMITH

Previous research (e.g., Horiuchi, Goldsmith, and Inoguchi, 2005) has shown some intriguing patterns of effects of several variables on international public opinion about US foreign policy. But results for the theoretically appealing effects of regime type and post-materialist values have been weak or inconsistent. This paper takes a closer look at the relationship between these two variables and international public opinion about US foreign policy. In particular, international reaction to the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) are examined using two major multinational surveys. The conclusions of previous research are largely reinforced: neither regime type nor post-materialist values appears to robustly influence global opinion on these events. Rather, some central interests, including levels of trade with the US and NATO membership, and key socialized factors, including a Muslim population, experience with terrorism, and the exceptional experiences of two states (Israel, Albania) emerge as the most important factors in the models. There is also a consistent backlash effect of security cooperation with the US outside of NATO. A discussion of these preliminary results points to their theoretical implications and their significance for further investigation into the transnational dynamics of public opinion and foreign policy.


1995 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 534-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Taylor Gaubatz

This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.


10.28945/4108 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 259-278
Author(s):  
Caiyun Zhuang ◽  
Guohong Chen ◽  
Jian Hou ◽  
Juan Liang

Aim/Purpose: This study analyzes the mechanism of Internet capability (IC) driving knowledge creation performance (KCP). We consider the mediating role of strategic flexibility and the moderating role of informatization density. Background: The key to achieving KCP for firms is to transform knowledge created into new products or services and to realize the economic benefits. However, the research has not paid enough attention to firms’ KCP. Based on dynamic capability theory, this study empirically reveals how firms drive KCP through Internet capability. Methodology: The study uses survey data from 399 organizations in China. Through structural equation modeling, this study assesses the relationship between Internet capability, strategic flexibility, and KCP and uses hierarchical regression to test the moderating role of informatization density. Contribution: First, this study expands research on knowledge creation and focuses on the further achievement of knowledge creation performance. The study also enriches the exploration of KCP in the Internet context and deepens the research on the internal mechanism by which Internet capability influences KCP. Second, this study highlights the important role of informatization density in the Internet context and expands the research on the impact of external factors on the internal mechanism. Findings: First, Internet capability has a significantly positive effect on both strategic flexibility and KCP. Furthermore, Internet capability directly impacts strategic flexibility, yet it affects KCP both directly and indirectly through strategic flexibility, which confirms that strategic flexibility is a partial mediator in the relationship between Internet capability and KCP. Second, strategic flexibility positively influences KCP. Third, informatization density has a significant moderating effect on the relationship between Internet capability and KCP. Recommendations for Practitioners: The results indicate that firms should consider the importance of Internet capability and strategic flexibility for KCP in the Internet context. This study also provides a theoretical basis that could guide the Chinese government’s informatization construction of the industrial chain. Recommendation for Researchers: Researchers could further explore the role of other mediator variables (e.g., business process management, organizational agility) and consider the role of other moderator variables (e.g., resource commitment, learning orientation). Impact on Society: This study provides a reference for enterprises with similar cultural backgrounds in using Internet capability to enhance their competitive advantage. Future Research: Future research could collect data from various countries and regions to test the research model and conduct longitudinal studies to increase the robustness of the conclusions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophia Ponomarenko

Aim. Analyze the role of diet in the process of infection with the SARS-CoV-2 coronavirus and identify factors that correlate with a decrease in the pathogenic consequences of the COVID-19 disease. Materials and methods. The information and data required for this review were found in scientific publications and the media available on the Internet, as well as obtained from statistical databases using specific keywords, both for a single tag, and in various combinations of them. Statistical samples were managed from sources and facts available on the Internet. Results and discussion. The relationship between nutritional factors and the impact of the 15-month COVID-19 pandemic in different regions was investigated using various available statistics for five continents and 47 countries. A clear relationship was found between the prevalence of the SARS-CoV-2 epidemic and the amount of food consumed, with correlations in the negative range r = -0.98 and r = -0.66 for plant proteins and with a correlation coefficient r = 0.92 for animal proteins. Also, excessive sugar consumption increases the severity of COVID-19 with correlation coefficients in the range of r = 0.99-0.72. Conclusions. Quantitative analysis of statistical data and an assessment of nutritional factors during the development of a 15-month pandemic in various regions showed that the severity of the infectious process of the SARS-CoV-2 virus and the COVID-19 disease was aggravated by excessive consumption of sugar, fat and total protein. The number of people infected with the virus or deaths from COVID-19 per 100,000 inhabitants was radically lower in regions where more plant foods were consumed than products of animal origin.


Author(s):  
Andrea Ghiselli

Although it is not as decisive a factor as it is in Western democracies, the space for Chinese public opinion to influence foreign policy has grown over the years thanks to the population’s greater access to the Internet, the diversification of the media, and the simple fact that today’s Chinese leaders are not revolutionary heroes. While domestic public opinion cannot shape the country’s foreign policy on issues related to China’s “core interests”—the commanding role of the Chinese Communist Party and the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty—the situation is different when the discussion is less sensitive. The Chinese approach to North Africa and the Middle East is one of those topics. Hence, this chapter looks at how online Chinese public opinion influenced the domestic narrative on protecting the country’s overseas interests. It exposes a contested environment where the actions and the narrative put forward by policymakers were often under pressure as Chinese citizens favored a more muscular approach to defending the country’s overseas interests.


2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Kelly

AbstractThis article examines the impact on Japan's political economy and foreign policy of its lack of natural resources. Applying the concept of Japan as a ‘reactive’ state to linked case studies of rice, oil and atomic power it explores aspects of the relationship between culture, institutions and political processes in domestic politics and foreign policy. In so doing it argues that Japan's poor resource endowments have driven it to engage (re)actively – and often unwisely – in international affairs, an engagement both facilitated and constrained by its close alliance with the United States. This mediated engagement will continue into the foreseeable future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Ioannis Armakolas ◽  
George Siakas

Abstract The Macedonia name dispute was resolved in 2018 with the signing of the Prespa Agreement. Ambassador Nimetz – one of the key players in the solution efforts – queried recently “Why did it take us so long?”, echoing the confusion of foreign observers about what has routinely been seen as an incomprehensible spat. This article provides more context about the past intractability of the dispute by focusing on the role of Greek public opinion. Taking stock of the literature on the relationship between foreign policy-making and public opinion, our analysis identifies key parameters for investigating the influence of Greek public opinion on policy. We test these parameters against empirical data from a comprehensive poll on the name dispute that was conducted in 2016, only a few months before the start of the negotiations that led to the Prespa Agreement. Our analysis demonstrates the extent and depth of the Greek public’s opposition to any compromise, as well as the emotional involvement in the Macedonia name dispute. The findings have implications for our understanding of the process that led to the settlement of the dispute as well as the challenges of implementing the agreement.


FIKRAH ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 241
Author(s):  
Paelani Setia ◽  
M. Taufiq Rahman

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">This paper aims to explain the role of radical Islamic organizations in the era of globalization. The case study taken in this research is Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). As a transnational organization, Hizb ut-Tahrir grew and crossed national boundaries, including arriving in Indonesia and playing an essential role in shaping public opinion in Indonesia. This study uses qualitative research methods to collect data through online observation, which is described by content analysis. The findings of this study are Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia is part of the players of globalization. This is evidenced by the organization's involvement in 50 countries and five continents globally supported by their global media. In Indonesia, although the Government disbanded it in 2017, Hizb ut-Tahrir's activities are still strengthened and maintained through globalization instruments such as the internet. HTI then carried out virtual guerrilla activities to keep the idea of a caliphate grounded.</span></p>


Author(s):  
Michael F. Hopkins

This chapter examines the place of foreign policy issues in national debates on the eve of the 1948 election. It profiles the four candidates (Harry Truman, Thomas Dewey, Henry Wallace, and Strom Thurmond), considers the role of foreign affairs during the campaign and their significance in determining the election result, and analyses the impact of Truman’s victory on US foreign policy. It argues that international affairs and their domestic consequences (anxieties about Communist influence especially) were very important in 1948. During the campaign, Truman effectively exploited his leadership in foreign policy. His resolute position on the Berlin blockade was part of a bipartisan foreign policy. So Dewey could hardly criticize the policy and gained little from its popularity. The main impact of the election was the consolidation of Truman’s policy of containment.


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