To fight another day: France between the fight against terrorism and future warfare

2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 897-916 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Pannier ◽  
Olivier Schmitt

Abstract This article examines the ways in which recent military experiences have affected France's approach to the use of military power, the role of allies and its vision of future warfare. In its management of strategic challenges, we identify the persistence of many traits of France's historical habits and practices. France remains a distinct, outward looking, and militarily willing and able European power. However, the threats that France has sought to address and the operational and financial constraints it has faced in the past decade in particular, have led to significant changes in its approach to and conduct of warfare. In particular, the threat of Islamist terrorism has led to a reframing of French governments' priorities around more narrowly-defined national interests. It has translated into a ‘pragmatic’, or ‘realist’ turn in foreign policy, and a move from ‘wars of choice’ to ‘wars of necessity’. In this context, France's military alliances are being rethought around a core number of functional partnerships to compensate for capability gaps and military overstretch. Meanwhile, French armed forces are getting prepared to face the challenges posed by emerging technologies and the future of Great-Power competition. Overall, the multiple security challenges faced by successive French governments have confirmed, yet redefined, the contours of France's traditional dilemma between a desire for an autonomous defense policy and the reality of a necessary reliance on allies.

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Budyanto Putro Sudarsono ◽  
Jonni Mahroza ◽  
Surryanto D.W.

<p>In achieving and securing national interests, diplomacy always plays significant role. In its implementation, the state uses all of its nationally available resources including military, economy, politics, intelligence and any other resources available. The use of military as an instrument in diplomacy is inevitable. The general consensus is that negotiation forms a core component of diplomacy. Winning in negotiation, therefore, can be likened to winning in diplomacy. In order to gain leverage during negotiations, gaining a better bargaining position is an important requirement and this strongly relies on a nation’s power of which one of the key components is the military. In this regard, the military power cannot be separated from state diplomacy. This research is designed to understand the role of Indonesia's defense diplomacy in achieving national interests. The objectives of this research are: First, to analyze the role of Indonesian defense diplomacy in achieving national interests and how to optimize it, and secondly, to analyze the factors that influence this role. This research employs qualitative method. All data is obtained through observation, interviews and literature studies. Data analysis is carried out simultaneously with data collection when the researcher is in the field. The research location is at Jakarta City. We can draw two conclusions from the result of the research: 1) The role of defense diplomacy in achieving national interests has not been optimal and its achievements are still limited to defense issues only; 2) Factors influencing the role of defense diplomacy include the capacity and capability of Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), cooperation between agencies, and formulation of diplomacy strategy.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Defense diplomacy, diplomacy strategy</p>


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 316-321
Author(s):  
Boris I. Ananyev ◽  
Daniil A. Parenkov

The aim of the article is to show the role of parliament in the foreign policy within the framework of the conservative school of thought. The authors examine both Russian and Western traditions of conservatism and come to the conclusion that the essential idea of “the rule of the best” has turned to be one of the basic elements of the modern legislative body per se. What’s more, parliament, according to the conservative approach, tends to be the institution that represents the real spirit of the nation and national interests. Therefore the interaction of parliaments on the international arena appears to be the form of the organic communication between nations. Parliamentary diplomacy today is the tool that has the potential to address to the number of issues that are difficult to deal with within the framework of the traditional forms of IR: international security, challenges posed by new technologies, international sanctions and other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-232
Author(s):  
Nicole Jenne ◽  
Jun Yan Chang

AbstractThe conflict between the Thai state and the Malay-Muslim insurgency in the country's Deep South is one of Southeast Asia's most persistent internal security challenges. The start of the current period of violence dates back to the early 2000s, and since then, a significant number of studies exploring the renewed escalation have been published. In this study, we argue that existing scholarship has not adequately accounted for the external environment in which political decisions were taken on how to deal with the southern insurgency. We seek to show how the internationally dominant, hegemonic security agenda of so-called non-traditional security (NTS) influenced the Thai government's approach to the conflict. Building upon the Copenhagen School's securitisation theory, we show how the insurgency became securitised under the dominant NTS narrative, leading to the adoption of harsh measures and alienating discourses that triggered the escalation of violence that continues today. The specific NTS frameworks that ‘distorted’ the Thai state's approach of one that had been informed solely by local facts and conditions were those of anti-narcotics and Islamist terrorism, albeit in different ways. Based on the findings from the case study, the article concludes with a reflection on the role of the hegemonic NTS agenda and its implications for Southeast Asian politics and scholarship.


2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 835-857
Author(s):  
Harsh V. Pant ◽  
Kartik Bommakanti

Abstract India faces a very challenging strategic environment, with its immediate opponents possessing significant capabilities and militaries that are modernizing rapidly. This article explores the opportunities, challenges and constraints confronting the Indian state in building its military strength to deal with its variegated threat environment. It examines how India has dealt with the use of force and how it seeks to shape its armed forces in the face of new threats and emerging capabilities. This article explores six key areas of enquiry and is correspondingly structured. First, how does the Indian state view the use of force? Second, what has the Indian state's recent experience been with conflict and to what extent has it influenced its thinking? Third, how does the Indian state view the future character of conflict? Fourth, what conclusions has India drawn about the role of alliances and strategic partners in dealing with the nature of the conflict it faces? Fifth, how does the Indian state intend to configure its forces to deal with this evolving nature of conflict? Finally, what do all these factors mean for its defence acquisitions? As an emerging power, India has to contend with these questions and the measures it has put in place are still a work in progress. There remains a fundamental need for greater integration across the Indian security sphere—in interservice arrangements, in procurement processes, and in broader strategic thinking and planning.


Asian Survey ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 50 (6) ◽  
pp. 1162-1183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter C. Ladwig

All three branches of the Indian armed forces have recently articulated the need to operate beyond the country's immediate borders. While the Indian military is highly unlikely to achieve its more ambitious power projection objectives in the medium term, the conventional wisdom that India's traditional foreign-policy orientation precludes military power projection is untenable, especially for an aspiring regional hegemon.


Significance The past year has seen the Russian military expand its exercises and other activities in the region. As well as creating a new joint command for the Arctic, the Kremlin is increasing the capacity of its military and paramilitary forces to operate there, including on search-and-rescue missions. This ramp-up reflects the broader modernisation of the entire armed forces, which Putin reiterated yesterday remained a key priority. Impacts Other countries engage in military activities in the region, but only Russia has taken major steps to militarise its Arctic frontier. Russian leaders profess peaceful motives but warn that Moscow will defend its Arctic interests with force if necessary. Russia will commission a fleet of highly versatile vessels that can serve as tugs, icebreakers or patrol ships.


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shams Al Din Al Hajjaji

AbstractThe social contract in Egypt has changed dramatically five times in the past decade. Mubarak made substantial amendments in 2005 and 2007, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) ratified the 2011 Constitutional Declaration, the Muslim Brotherhood adopted the 2012 Constitution and, finally, Al-Sisi/Mansur proclaimed the 2014 Constitution. Currently, Egypt faces social, economic, political and legal problems. The Egyptian judiciary plays a vital role in the inability to respond to these problems. This research argues that the call for judicial reform should be revived to face contemporary challenges. These challenges are the result of the absence of serious judicial reform in the past four decades. The 1973 Judicial Authority Law was a result of the social contract presented in the 1971 Constitution. The research lists the reasons for adopting a new judicial authority law. In the first section, the social aspect is embodied in the protection of freedoms, judicial transparency and judicial legitimacy. The second section dealing with economic reasons for reform is divided into two parts. The first deals with Independent Bodies and Regulatory Agencies. The second issue reveals the role of the judiciary in the successive failures of the IBRA. The third section deals with the role of the judiciary in political life. The fourth section presents the legal reasons for judicial reform.


We have entered the sixteenth year of the publication Contemporary Military Challenges with a wish to mark a few important anniversaries. In 2004, Slovenia joined the European Union and became a NATO member. Slovenia has thus been an active member of two distinguished international organisations for ten years. At the same time, this denotes a decade of active participation of Slovenian Armed Forces members in international operations and missions organised by the Alliance. In addition, it is the year in which the Slovenian Armed Forces reached the full age of its presence in the international environment. Eighteen years ago, in May 1997, twenty five members of Slovenian Armed Forces medical unit were deployed to a peace operation ALBA in Albania. If we look deeper into the past, Slovenian General Rudolf Maister was born one hundred and forty years ago. He significantly influenced the evolution of developments before World War I, but mostly Slovenian national consciousness. This year marks the hundredth anniversary of the beginning of World War I. The anniversary itself or the reasons for it are certainly not motivational – quite the opposite. It was an event on a worldwide scale which caused a great number of deaths and thus represented a devastating catastrophe. At that time, people did not even imagine what wars could bring for the future generations. All these anniversaries, and more could be found, impacted the substantive premise of this year’s issues. This is, of course, not because we would wish to turn backwards and deal with the historical issues. After all, we are the “Contemporary Military Challenges”. What mainly interests us is what have we learned from these examples and experiences. Is today’s situation any different because of them? Are we any better? For this purpose, we have published on our Slovenian (http://www.slovenskavojska. si/publikacije/sodobni-vojaski-izzivi/) and English (http://www.slovenskavojska. si/publikacije/sodobni-vojaski-izzivi/) websites an invitation for authors who would wish to deal with this subject. We are an interdisciplinary scientific and technical publication, which publishes articles on topical issues, research and expert discussions, as well as on technical and social science analyses covering the fields of international and national security and defence; global security challenges; crisis management; civil-military cooperation, and operations, development and transformation of the armed forces. The main topics that entertain our interest have been incorporated into the titles of individual issues. This year’s second issue will be entitled “Recent education and training trends in security, defence and military sectors”, the third one “Ten years of Slovenia’s NATO membership”, and the fourth one “100th anniversary of the beginning of World War I - have we learned anything from the conflicts in the past 100 years”. This year’s first issue was reserved for the topics suggested by the authors and we have received some very interesting articles. Ljubo Štampar in his article entitled Respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms in armed forces of EU member states: approaches, practices and mechanisms presents, in relation to the armed forces, the human rights and freedoms as the foundations of modern democratic societies. He compares freedom of speech, right to announce candidacy in the election or join political parties, freedom of association, freedom of trade unions and right to strike in individual EU member states. Vinko Vegič in his article The role of armed forces in Europe: from territorial defence to various security tasks establishes that two of the most important changes in the role of the armed forces include the need for a defence of the territory, and the appearance of some relatively differing and often poorly defined tasks. Countries have to adapt their defence doctrines and military structure to these two subjects, whereby the public (potentially) plays a decisive role. The young, patriotism and national security: armed forces as a pillar of patriotic structures is the article by Vladimir Prebilič and Jelena Juvan. The authors base their findings on the circumstances already described by Vinko Vegič, and establish the relation among the system of national security, values and patriotism among young people in Slovenia. Do the results of the survey represent a cause for concern? The transformation of armed forces has been a topical issue, especially in the recent two years, and has intrigued Mihael Nagelj enough to verify the theoretical and practical understanding of this notion in the defence system. His findings are presented in the article entitled Defence sector transformation: as understood in the world and Slovenia. Tomaž Pajntar, the author of the article Security of buildings in the event of a terrorist bomb attack writes about a blast as a result of an explosion and its effects on the buildings and their security. He carefully analyses and illustrates the laws of explosions, the knowledge of which is very important in the provision of building security. In her article entitled Information management and network collaboration in the Slovenian Armed Forces – a necessity or only a topical issue, Dragica Dovč presents the theory and practice of terms that at first seem very familiar. However, the results of her survey based on the case of the Slovenian Armed Forces, reveal that this field of work is still fairly unexplored. So, here is one more reason for other friends of defence and military topics to join the group of writers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-40
Author(s):  
Mirosław Banasik

AbstractThe experience of the past decade shows a steadily increasing role of the armed forces in the implementation of Moscow’s strategic aspirations. The aim of this work is to present the geopolitical ambitions of Russia in competition with the West and the role of the armed forces in satisfying these ambitions, as well as to evaluate their modernisation. The article identifies the directions of Moscow’s strategic aspirations and presents a vision of Russia’s future war. The reforms carried out by the Russian national defence ministers Anatoliy Serdyukov and Sergey Shoygu are evaluated. The conclusions resulting from the involvement of Russian armed forces in the conflicts in Ukraine and Syria are explained. It indicates the changes that will take place in particular branches of the armed forces in the near and long terms.


2007 ◽  
Vol 59 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 376-399
Author(s):  
Ivana Popovic-Petrovic

The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) is one of the World Trade Organization's most important agreements. This accord is the first and only set of multilateral rules covering international trade in services. It is a framework for international trade in services and a legal basis for resolving conflicting national interests. For the past two decades, trade in services has grown faster than merchandise trade. Currently, they represent more than two thirds of the World Gross Domestic Product. As the term services covers a wide range of intangible and heterogeneous products and activities, there has been an increasing demand for detailed, relevant and internationally comparable statistical information on trade in services. In the last ten years, the share of transportation services in international trade in commercial services was steady and amounted to about one quarter.


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