A Crisis of Legitimacy for the UN Collective Security System?

2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Gray

The role of the UN and the legitimacy of its collective security system have been seriously challenged in recent years. First, because of the Security Council.s failure to act in cases of genocide or other humanitarian disaster. There has been much criticism of the limited and delayed response of the Security Council to events in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda, somewhat unfairly in so far as it was the lack of political will on the part of the Member States rather than any institutional failure that was responsible for the failure to act. Secondly, the UN's central role in collective security has been undermined by unilateral use of force by States. After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 the UN was sidelined with regard to the forcible response against Afghanistan: in Operation Enduring Freedom the USA preferred not to act through the UN or even through NATO. Subsequently, the US National Security Strategy (September 2002) famously made no mention of the UN as a means of addressing perceived new threats from global terrorists. Most seriously, the US Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003 was undertaken unilaterally, that is, without express Security Council authorization.1 This was often portrayed as a crisis of legitimacy for the UN as much as for the USA and the States which participated in the invasion. As the Deputy Secretary-General put it recently:

1993 ◽  
Vol 21 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 74-83
Author(s):  
S. Byron Tarr

This is a Liberian perspective on the unique initiative by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve the Liberian conflict by organizing and deploying a Peace Monitoring Group in Liberia. It considers whether ECOWAS’ initiative can become a self-reliant security system that can end a civil war and institutionalize deterrence to subregional inter-state and internal conflicts. Can this self-generated, West African initiative set the stage for democratization? Is the initiative the start of an inter-African cooperative security system? Is the model of Nigerian leadership a harbinger of a regional hegemony in the making? Is the modest role of the USA constructive in resolving the conflict, in light of the fact that Liberia is a country with which the USA has had an historic relationship?


2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Hammarlund ◽  
Kristina Riegert

•As a pervasive historical construct that is both foreign and familiar, the USA has a looming presence in Swedish media discourse. Swedish journalists’ views of the USA can best be described as ambivalent — critical of a unilateral or too passive US foreign policy, while at the same time being heavily influenced by many aspects of the American economic model and culture. This article presents the results of an analysis of Swedish editorials, debate, commentary and cultural articles about the USA in time periods between 1984 and 2009. During these three decades USA actions are broadly framed against the backdrop of Cold War, globalization and cultural contestation paradigms respectively. The USA is seen as a formidable power, one that should be checked by others on the international stage. Cultural symbols based on historical European narratives about the US are called upon to illustrate reckless unilateralism (‘Space Cowboy’ Reagan) or the future-oriented entrepreneur as a role model for Sweden (during the Clinton years). The final decade under the cultural contestation paradigm is also ambivalent — the role of religion in the USA appears foreign to Swedish eyes, whereas the USA’s cultural misunderstandings with others appear familiar. •


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelan (Lilly) Lu ◽  
Glen Biglaiser

Although recently Chinese investment in the USA has grown exponentially, it has not flowed equally among the US states. Controlling for popular explanations in the foreign direct investment literature, we carry out subnational analysis to assess the determinants of Chinese investment in the USA. Using a panel dataset for all states from 2006 to 2016, we find that Chinese firms are more attracted to states where Republican governors hold office. Republican-governed states particularly attract greenfield investments from Chinese firms. However, we also find that US national security concerns and Chinese goals appear to affect investment flows in high-technology states, limiting the role of partisanship. Our results indicate that it is too soon to dismiss the importance of politics on foreign direct investment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alena F. Douhan

The United Nations organization was planned to be established as a single universal system of collective security. Major efforts were supposed to be taken by the UN Security Council. Regional organizations were introduced into the system as a subordinate subsidiary means – elements of the system. Over the course of the time it has, however, appeared that the UN Security Council was not able to act in the way prescribed by the UN Charter in suppressing newly emerged threats and challenges in the sphere of security. In the contrary, the role of regional organizations has increased substantially. They do the majority of tasks in the sphere of maintenance of international peace and security, often without authorization or even informing the UN Security Council, although the legality of some of these actions may be dubious. As a result, the Council itself transfers the accent in relations between the UN and regional organizations from subsidiarity to complementarity or even partnership. It is thus necessary to re-check the meaning of the concepts of complementarity and subsidiarity as well as the UN Charter provisions in the changed circumstances and to specify principles of the new system.


2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 217-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred R. Berkeley

This article is an edited version of a speech given by Alfred R. Berkeley, former President and Vice-Chairman of the NASDAQ Stock Market Inc, as part of the 30th anniversary celebrations of the US Association of University Technology Managers (AUTM) during the 2004 AUTM Annual MeetingSM. The article stresses the increasingly important role of technology transfer in the economic and social futures of the USA and points up lessons for technology transfer professionals from the key changes and policy decisions that have driven the development of America's capital markets over the past few decades.


Upravlenie ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-103
Author(s):  
Лебедева ◽  
Lyudmila Lebedeva ◽  
Емельянов ◽  
E. Emelyanov

The article examines fundamental demographic changes in the USA that have been shifting the electorate and as a result - American politics; with wide gaps between the generations on key social, economic, political issues. The US presidential elections since 1980 were dominated by baby boomers (born 1946-1964) and prior generations, who have cast the vast majority of votes in every presidential election. The 2016 electorate has been the most diverse in the US history due to strong growth of young generations, and especially among Hispanic eligible voters. Millennials (born 1981–1998) and X generation (born 1965-1980) surpassed Baby Boomers and more old generations whose choices differ significantly in many fields; but the key problem is who really votes. The age structure of the American electorate and its influence on the election results; the role of pensioners and those, who’ll retire in the nearest future, as voters at the federal and state levels are in focus.


Author(s):  
N. P. Gribin

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.”  The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime. Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.” In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength. The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence. In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”. Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.” The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Rogozińska

NATO has survived until its 70th anniversary, essentially in the same condition as practically every year of its existence. According to commentators and external experts, the Alliance seems to be in a constant crisis, and every new version of the crisis is seen as final and deadly. By contrast, for those who are active internally, NATO seems stronger than ever before - it is engaging in more places than ever before, presenting new initiatives at an unprecedented pace and in ever-longer summit declarations. The problem situation presented in this way allows us to formulate the main research problem: What role does NATO play in shaping the global security system? The research problem formulated in this way consists of detailed problems formulated in the form of questions: 1) What are the current challenges for NATO? 2) What are the current threats to NATO? 3) What is Donald Trump's policy towards NATO? The aim of the presentation is to present an analysis of the role of NATO in ensuring collective security in the context of the 70th anniversary of the founding of the organization. The research process uses methodological methods of scientific cognition, mainly analysis and criticism of literature.


Author(s):  
I. Zvarych

This article deals with a systematic approach as one of the violence prevention methods and bullying at higher learning institutions; the concepts of bullying, cyberbullying, including cybermobbing, internet mobbing are clarified; the role of increasing the students' aggression is focused on, which is manifested in various reactions: anger, meanness, insult, irritation, tendency to physical actions, in particular the willingness to solve problems and controversial issues with the help of physical force; the statistical bullying manifestation data at higher learning institutions of Ukraine and the US are investigated, the using of parables' role of contributing to the achievement of goals and objectives in the prevention of violence and bullying are highlighted. The problem of bullying is widely discussed in Internet, newspapers, scientific journals, etc. It is gaining more and more topical importance in our country every year, since it has not been thoroughly studied both from the point of theoretical studies view and from practice view as well.


2019 ◽  
pp. 58-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Urnov

As a self-proclaimed “Global Leader” the United States have made “the assertion, advancement, support and defense of democracy” throughout the world one of the pillars of their foreign policy. This aim invariably figures in all Washington’s program documents pertaining to Africa. A major component of these efforts is an assistance to regular, free and fair elections. The selection of arguments cited to justify such activities has been done skilfully. In each specific case it is emphasized that the United States do not side with any competing party, stand “above the battle”, work for the perfection of electoral process, defend the rights of opposition and rank and file votes, render material and technical help to national electoral committees. Sounds irreproachable. However, the real situation is different. The study of the US practical activities in this field allows to conclude that Washington has one-sidedly awarded itself a role of a judge and supervisor of developments related to elections in the sovereign countries of Africa, tries to control the ways they are prepared and conducted. These activities signify an interference into the internal affairs of African states. The scale and forms of such interference differ and is subjected to tasks the USA try to resolve in this or that country on the national, regional or global levels. However, everywhere it serves as an instrument of penetration and strengthening of the US influence, enhancing the US political presence in African countries. The right of the US to perform this role is presented as indisputable. Sceptics are branded as opponents of democracy. The author explores the US positions and activities connected with elections in Africa during the last years of B.Obama and first two years of D.Trump presidencies. He shows how their policy have been implemented on the continental level and in regard to several countries – South Sudan, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Somali, Kenya, Uganda.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document