Beverly LaHaye Defies Feminism

2019 ◽  
pp. 68-92
Author(s):  
Emily Suzanne Johnson

In 1979, Beverly LaHaye founded Concerned Women for America (CWA), which would quickly become the nation’s largest lobbying group for conservative women. With chapters across the country, CWA has been responsible for mobilizing hundreds of thousands of conservative women to become active for conservative causes at the local, state, and federal levels. LaHaye began her career as a megachurch pastor’s wife and the author of marital and spiritual advice for evangelical women. When she turned her attention to politics, she used the language and networks of evangelical women’s culture to mobilize others. Her story demonstrates how even women who took on definitive political leadership roles had to negotiate persistent ambivalence within conservative evangelical communities, both about politics in general and about women’s roles within it. LaHaye’s relationship with Catholic activist Phyllis Schlafly also highlights the limits of ecumenical cooperation within the New Christian Right, even as that movement was defined by new alliances between conservative Protestants, Catholics, Mormons, and Jews.

Author(s):  
Emily Suzanne Johnson

During the rise of the modern religious right in the 1970s and 1980s, nationally prominent evangelical women played integral roles in shaping the priorities of this movement and mobilizing its supporters. In particular, they helped to formulate, articulate, and defend the traditionalist politics of gender and family that in turn made it easy to downplay the importance of their leadership roles. This book begins by examining the lives and work of four well-known women—evangelical marriage advice author Marabel Morgan, singer and anti-gay-rights activist Anita Bryant, author and political lobbyist Beverly LaHaye, and televangelist Tammy Faye Bakker. It examines their impact on the rise of the modern religious right and on the development of a national evangelical subculture, contributed to the rise of the New Christian Right by disseminating conservative political ideas in purportedly apolitical spaces. The final chapter underscores the ongoing significance of this history, through an analysis of Sarah Palin’s vice-presidential candidacy in 2008 and Michele Bachmann’s presidential bid in 2012. This chapter highlights the legacies of an earlier generation of conservative evangelical women who made these campaigns possible and who continue to impact our national conversations about gender, family, and sex.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuki TSUJI

AbstractInternationally, Japan ranks very low in the number of women in political leadership roles. Since the 1990s, the number of women serving in the national and local legislative assemblies has increased, and since 2000, the number of women serving as governors or mayors has also gradually increased. In particular, the number of female mayors has grown significantly in recent years. This article attempts to clarify the reasons for the increase in female mayors by examining the careers of women elected since the early 21st century and four case studies that illuminate various pathways to power for female mayors. We suggest that Japan’s gender-segregated employment practices have inadvertently created a new pathway to local power for women, from housewife to civil society leaders, and ultimately to local politician. We consider issues such as supply and demand, and other background environmental factors that affect women’s candidacy within mayoral elections. Furthermore, through four case studies, we show that three of four women capitalized on their ‘outsider’ profiles in their mayoral elections through critiques of the previous mayors’ management. Moreover, all of the women made campaign promises on the expansion of care services and the realization of local fiscal responsibility.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Angelia Wagner ◽  
Linda Trimble ◽  
Jennifer Curtin ◽  
Meagan Auer ◽  
V. K. G. Woodman

ABSTRACT How do the media depict the leadership abilities of government leaders, and in what ways are these depictions gendered? Does the focus of leadership evaluations change over time, reflecting the increased presence of women in top leadership roles? To answer these questions, we examined news coverage of 22 subnational government leaders in Australia and Canada, countries in which a significant number of women have achieved the premiership at the state or provincial level since 2007. Analysis demonstrates that newly elected women and men leaders receive approximately the same number of leadership evaluations. Women are assessed based on the same criteria as men. All subnational political leaders are expected to be competent, intelligent, and levelheaded. That journalists prioritize experience and strength while downplaying honesty and compassion indicates a continued emphasis on “masculine” leadership norms in politics. Yet evaluations of new premiers have emphasized the traditionally “feminine” trait of collaboration as key to effective leadership and, over time, have given more attention to likability and emotions when covering male premiers. As our analysis reveals, media conceptualizations of political leadership competencies are slowly expanding in ways that make it easier for women to be seen as effective political leaders.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Ramesh Thakur

The Responsibility to Protect (R2P) principle, encompassing the three symbiotically linked responsibilities to prevent, respond and rebuild, was unanimously adopted at the United Nations World Summit in 2005. The responsibility to rebuild needs to be re-elevated to prominence as an integral component of R2P: conceptually, normatively and operationally; and its institutional homes in the UN system and the Secretary-General’s role clarified. The 2009 three pillar formulation of R2P works well in most contexts, but is problematic in that it buries and loses sight of the critical importance of the original ICISS third ‘responsibility to rebuild’ and reconstruct war-raved societies to the point of being viable and self-sustaining once again. Because R2P was adopted at a world summit, I begin by highlighting the distinctive attributes of summit diplomacy. Next, I derive some key lessons from the major international interventions of the twenty-first century and recall the context in which R2P was originally formulated in order to highlight the distinctive features of its contribution to international policy. I then describe three dimensions of the responsibility to rebuild – recovery, reconstruction and reconciliation – and the strategies and steps needed for the rebuilding agenda. Recalling that Security Council authorization of R2P coercive operations is a non-negotiable prerequisite, I suggest that the responsibility to rebuild can be reintroduced and implemented through the administrative and political leadership roles of the Secretary-General.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
Paloma Román Marugán ◽  
Jaime Ferri Durá

ResumenEl incremento de mujeres en los puestos de liderazgo político en las democracias contemporáneas lleva a un replanteamiento de los diferentes enfoques y categorías de análisis que explican el fenómeno. En el caso del liderazgo femenino, se trata de un problema especialmente relevante, sobre todo en el espacio de la política, ya que su análisis específico es un terreno prácticamente ignoto. Este trabajo exploralos marcos teóricosdel liderazgo y de género para ver la dificultadde los modelos utilizados en elanálisis del fenómeno. No sóloexplora lapresencia y ausencia delos paradigmastradicionales, sino tambiénprueba con los modelos explicativosde otras culturas alternativas y del mundo del desarrollo.Palabras clave: Liderazgo, Mujeres, Sistemas Políticos, Género  English Title: Female Political Leadership: Explanatory DifficultiesAbstract: The increasing number of women in leadership roles in contemporary democracies demands reconsideration of the different analytical approaches and categories previously used to explain the development. The issue is especially relevant for political leadership as the analysis of female political leadership is at an embryonic stage. This paper aims to explore theoretical frameworks of leadership and gender, and to reveal both the lack and limitations of existing models for study of the phenomenon. The examination will include analysis of non- Western leadership examples.Key Words: Leadership, Women, Political System, Gender


Leadership ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Karsten ◽  
Frank Hendriks

In some democratic contexts, there is a strong aversion to the directive, individualistic and masculine expressions of leadership that have come to dominate the study of political leadership. Such leadership is antithetical to consensus democracies in parts of continental Europe, where the antipathy to leadership has linguistic, institutional as well as cultural dimensions. Political-administrative and socio-cultural contexts in these countries provide little room for heroic expressions of leadership. Consequently, alternative forms of leadership and associated vocabularies have developed that carry profound practical relevance but that have remained underexplored. Based on an in-depth mixed-methods study, this article presents the Dutch mayoralty as an insightful and exemplary case of what can be called ‘bridging-and-bonding leadership’; it provides a clear illustration of how understandings of democratic leadership can deviate from the dominant paradigm and of how leading in a consensus context brings about unique practical challenges for office holders. The analysis shows that the important leadership task of democratic guardianship that is performed by Dutch mayors is in danger of being overlooked by scholars of political leadership, as are consensus-oriented leadership roles in other parts of the world. For that reason, a recalibration of the leadership concept is needed, developing an increased theoretical sensitivity towards the non-decisive and process-oriented aspects of the leadership phenomenon. This article specifies how the future study of leadership, as a part of the change that is advocated, can benefit from adopting additional languages of leadership.


Leadership ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-258
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Zachara

This article focuses on the leadership roles of Millennials in politics and the public sphere. This group is a potentially influential political force, yet its members do not pursue traditional forms of civic engagement – they are reluctant voters and are widely considered to be neither ideologically aligned nor politically knowledgeable. The empowerment of the new generation provides a platform for analysing several dimensions of leadership, especially with a focus on the nature of the challenges embedded in political leadership in liberal democracies and the intergenerational leadership transfer in politics. In the initial part of the text a brief review of the literature on the Millennial generation and its political orientations is presented. It reveals the analytical potential of the theme for providing new findings on the nature of leadership. Next, the categories of sacredness in leadership are used to understand how political leadership in Western societies evolved. Finally, theoretical and empirical findings connecting generational identity and changing notions of political leadership are combined in order to identify their implications for the further development of political leadership in Western democracies.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147-162
Author(s):  
Bradley C. Smith

For aspiring evangelical women, already subject to the metaphorical glass ceiling, evangelical perspectives on gender roles represent an exacerbating headwind. Ironically, though, when female evangelical executives advance arguments from distinction in advocating for greater representation among the business elite, they may actually reinforce the complementarian theological perspectives that undermine the legitimacy of evangelical women in leadership roles in the first place. Female evangelical executives are indeed more likely than their male counterparts to articulate concern for people relative to profits, embrace broader corporate social responsibilities, and cite feelings and intuition in support of career and business decisions. But women also disproportionately occupy the types of contexts that prompted evangelical executives more broadly—whether women or men—to articulate these particular orientations. Thus, the perspectives of women suggest that professional context and associated expectations supersede gender norms when ordering faith expressions in business.


2019 ◽  
pp. 93-120
Author(s):  
Emily Suzanne Johnson

Tammy Faye and Jim Bakker built one of the largest televangelical ministries of the 1970s and 1980s; PTL (Praise the Lord) boasted a twenty-four-hour television network and the third-most-visited theme park in the United States. Tammy Faye Bakker played a particularly vital role in expanding evangelical women’s culture to television. An influential figure during the rise of the New Christian Right, she also expressed deep ambivalence about taking on a political leadership role. She supported many religious right causes including opposition to abortion and feminism, but she also used her ambivalence about politics to take on a surprising range of political positions, most notable in her support for gay people and people living with AIDS as early as the mid-1980s. Conservative gender norms within evangelical communities made it easy to downplay prominent women’s political significance. However, these same assumptions could also give women greater leeway in choosing their political platforms.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 343-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srinjoy Bose ◽  
Ramesh Thakur

The responsibility to rebuild needs to be re-elevated to prominence as an integral component of r2p: conceptually, normatively and operationally; and its institutional homes in the un system and the Secretary-General’s role clarified. The 2009 three pillar formulation of r2p works well in most contexts, but is problematic in that it buries and loses sight of the critical importance of the original iciss third ‘responsibility to rebuild’ and reconstruct war-raved societies to the point of being viable and self-sustaining once again. We derive some key lessons from the major international interventions of the twenty-first century and recall the context in which r2p was originally formulated in order to highlight the distinctive features of its contribution to international policy. We then describe three dimensions of the responsibility to rebuild – recovery, reconstruction and reconciliation – and the strategies and steps needed for the rebuilding agenda. Recalling that Security Council authorisation of r2p coercive operations is a nonnegotiable prerequisite, we suggest that the responsibility to rebuild can be reintroduced and implemented through the administrative and political leadership roles of the Secretary-General.


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