Conversations from the Field Part II: Proposals

2020 ◽  
pp. 309-312
Author(s):  
Ndaliko Chérie
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Local People ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Open Mind ◽  
The Government

In your opinion, how do (or should) organizations and artists balance their often divergent responsibilities to their donors, the government bodies of their host nations, their audiences and presumed beneficiaries, and/or their own inspiration and vision? GN: Art and artists can facilitate or smooth the process of mutual understanding between NGOs and their civil society counterparts, as well as influence projects and their implementation. . . . The critical, positive, and open mind most often shown by artists could then be a soft power to shape the organization’s vision, building bridges between NGO representatives and local people. . . . We should not forget that most artists and humanitarian NGOs have in common strong militant values as their core principles and these people are largely engaged for such reasons....

scholarly journals The Dynamics of Oil and Social Movements in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ojakorotu
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Niger Delta ◽  
Oil Production ◽  
River Delta ◽  
Local People ◽  
Heavy Burden ◽  
Niger River ◽  
The Government

The discovery of oil in Nigeria since 1956 has inflicted a heavy burden on the local people of the Niger River Delta who have had to contend with the consequences of oil production. The grievances of these local people have persisted for more than three decades without concrete efforts on the part of the government or oil multinationals to address them. The global triumph of capitalism and the fall of communism gave the local people an opportunity to organize social movements with similar interests to international civil society to challenge the policies of successive governments and the activities of oil multinationals in the Niger Delta. This paper addresses the factors that led to a sudden upsurge in the number of social movements in the Niger Delta and how foreign NGOs have played an important role in addressing the plight of the local people of the region.

scholarly journals Model Kolaborasi Kebijakan Deradikalisasi Agama Berbasis Pondok Pesantren

SMART ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-79
Author(s):  
Maulana Mukhlis ◽  
Syarief Makhya
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Initial Condition ◽  
Strategic Issues ◽  
The Core ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Government

Indonesia is facing two strategic issues concerning religion and its relation to Pancasila as the state ideology; radicalism in the name of religion (Islam) and Islamism movement to replace state ideology with caliphate. In response, the government uses hard power (repressive approach) and soft power (preventive efforts) through de-radicalization policy. However, it has not been able to eliminate radicalism threat yet because of lack of civil society involvement. This article offers a collaboration model to make de-radicalization policy to be more optimal to implement so that these would no longer be a serious issue in Indonesia. Pesantren with salafiyyah-aswaja typology is positioned to be a subject because of its great influence on government policy. The design of this study was a descriptive qualitative research in which the data were collected through interviews and observations in five big pesantrens in Lampung province. The result showed that the relationships between government and pesantrens tends to be constructive pattern which in turn pesantrens are not well developed and the determining aspects of collaboration are not fully identified. The core of this model is that the collaboration success in a policy is influenced by some factors such as good initial condition, consultative institution design, leadership facilitation, mutually actors’ preferences, and policy contents that are substantially well understood by collaborators

scholarly journals TRUST IN PUBLIC AUTHORITIES AS AN ETHICAL ISSUE

2020 ◽  
pp. 205-211
Author(s):  
L. Ignatenko
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
State Power ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Policy Actors ◽  
Communicative Ethics ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Government

This paper is an attempt to consider trust in terms of contemporary communicative ethics and its socio-philosophical context. Trust in state power is analyzed according to the theoretical principles of communicative philosophy (J. Habermas and K.-O. Apel). It is suggested that trust in state power is a prerequisite for a harmonious development of society. Trust is seen as a determinant contributing to the formation and disclosure of meaningful components of the dialogue between government and civil society institutions, which takes place on the basis of compliance with social norms such as responsibility, justice, tolerance, mutual understanding, equality and respect. It is argued that trust in the government is the most important factor in socio-political relations, the role of which has become increasingly important in recent years. As globalization develops, trust in power becomes more in demand, as its interests effectively co-ordinate the interests of world policy actors. Trust not only reduces transaction costs and strengthens international cooperation, but also builds new quality of relationships.

Systems of Governance and Politics of Opposition in the Super-Rentiers

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Courtney Freer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Popular Politics ◽  
Rentier State ◽  
Critical Information ◽  
Independent States ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Frameworks ◽  
Rentier States

This chapter provides a critical background on the country cases by examining their brief political histories as independent states. It also gives critical information about the legal frameworks of such states to highlight where and how Islamist groups can act in these states. By providing such descriptions, this chapter demonstrates the extent to which these states, in regime or popular politics, either adhere or fail to adhere to the government type and political environment normally associated with the rentier state. The chapter also reveals critical commonalities among the super-rentier states—they are governed by powerful ruling families; institutionalized political life is hampered; and civil society and political life remain largely informal—while also indicating their differences, which arose in light of their differing sociocultural and economic backgrounds.

Rights of the Child

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asha Bajpai
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Law ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Legal Definition ◽  
Rights Of The Child ◽  
The Government ◽  
Definition Of

The chapter commences with the change in the perspective and approach relating to children from welfare to rights approach. It then deals with the legal definition of child in India under various laws. It gives a brief overview of the present legal framework in India. It states briefly the various policies and plans, and programmes of the Government of India related to children. International law on the rights of the child is enumerated and a summary of the important judgments by Indian courts are also included. The chapter ends with pointing out the role of civil society organizations in dealing with the rights of the child and a mention of challenges ahead.

Populism, Religion and Catholic Civil Society in Poland: The Case of Primary Education

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Dorota Szelewa
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Primary Education ◽  
Sexuality Education ◽  
Moral Panic ◽  
School Entry ◽  
School Age ◽  
Religious Symbolism ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This article analyses two cases of populist mobilisation – namely, one against a primary school entry-age reform and another against WHO sexuality education and the concept of gender – that took place in Poland between 2008 and 2019. Both campaigns had a populist character and were oriented towards restoring social justice taken away from ‘the people’ by a morally corrupted ‘elite’. There are differences between the cases that can be analytically delineated by assessing whether a religious mobilisation has an overt or a covert character. While the series of protests against the school-age reform represents a case of mobilisation with covert religious symbolism, the campaigns against sexuality education and the use of the concept of gender are characterised by overt religious populism. To characterise the dynamics of the two campaigns, the study uses the concept of a moral panic, emphasising the importance of moral entrepreneurs waging ideological war against the government and/or liberal experts conceived of as ‘folk devils’.

scholarly journals Reflections on the Relationship between the Government and Civil Society Organizations during the Covid-19 Pandemic: The Israeli Case

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hillel Schmid
Keyword(s):  
Health Economic ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Strategic Behavior ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Power Dependence ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract The paper analyzes the relations between the government and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) during the COVID-19 pandemic in Israel. The paper presents the inconsistent policy of the government, which has been influenced by various interest groups and the very limited financial support allocated to CSOs during the health, economic and social crisis. The paper describes the government’s alienated attitude toward the CSOs as well as the reasons for that behavior. Special attention is devoted to the government’s misunderstanding of the mission and roles of CSOs in modern society, especially at times of crisis and national disasters. The paper also analyzes the organizational and strategic behavior of CSOs toward the government, which has also contributed to the alienated attitude of the government toward them. I argue that relations between CSOs and the government should be based on more trust, mutuality, and understanding on the part of both actors in order to change power-dependence relations, and that there is a need to establish more cross-sectoral partnerships for the benefit of citizens.

When elites polarize over polarization: Framing the polarization debate in Turkey – RETRACTED

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 ◽  
pp. 109-133
Author(s):  
Senem Aydın-Düzgit ◽  
Evren Balta
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Qualitative Interviews ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Considerable Degree ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Degree Of Polarization ◽  
State Of Polarization ◽  
The Government ◽  
Near Future

AbstractThis article aims to explore the views of the Turkish elite on the state of polarization in Turkey. By identifying four political frames—namely, harmony, continuity/decline, conspiracy, and conflict—that selected Turkish political and civil society elites use in discussing the phenomenon of polarization in the country through their contributions to a workshop and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article finds that there is a considerable degree of polarization among the Turkish elite regarding their views on the presence of polarization in Turkey. Moreover, this overlaps with the divide between the government and the opposition in the country. An analysis of the justificatory arguments employed in constituting the aforementioned frames shows that, while those elites who deny the existence of polarization seek its absence in essentialist characteristics of society, in reductionist comparisons with history, or in internal/external enemies, those who acknowledge polarization’s presence look for its roots in political and institutional factors and processes. The article highlights how, given the denial of polarization by the pro-government elite and the substantial gap between the two camps’ justificatory narratives, the currently reported high rates of polarization in Turkey can, at best, be expected to remain as is in the near future, barring a radical change in political constellations.

scholarly journals Introduction to the Special Issue: Soft Power of Civil Society in International Relations

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-476
Author(s):  
TAKASHI INOGUCHI
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Policy Makers

This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.

Priorities in internationalization of the Japan’s higher education system of the state level

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-38
Author(s):  
Yu. A. Lamasheva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Capacity Building ◽  
Education System ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Cultural Diplomacy ◽  
State Level ◽  
Internationalization Of Higher Education ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Skilled Migration ◽  
Higher Education System

Referring to four strategies of internationalization of higher education, suggested by the Organization for economic cooperation and development, Japan’s strategy is traditionally called mutual understanding approach, aiming mainly at the cultural diplomacy and spreading “soft power” around the globe. However, in modern Japan other strategies may become more important, such as skilled migration approach or capacity building approach. The goal of this paper is to demonstrate the reasons for different strategies in internationalization of higher education in Japan. It is argued that both skilled migration approach and capacity building approach are implemented, while the revenue-generating approach is not.

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