Women in Presidential Cabinets

Author(s):  
Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson ◽  
Meredith P. Gleitz

Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson and Meredith P. Gleitz show that the overall representation of women in cabinets has increased significantly since the democratic transition, but women and men tend to be represented in stereotypically gendered cabinet portfolios and women who get appointed look like men in experience, backgrounds, and other qualifications. They identify the main causes of the increase in women’s presence in cabinets as the recent political crises that have led to outsider, leftist, and female (to only a very small degree) presidents who select more women. Additionally, as women are getting more represented in national legislatures and subnational governments, they are more represented in cabinets. The consequences of greater gender balance in cabinets for women’s issues and gender equality programs are minimal. Female cabinet ministers find it difficult to promote women’s issues because they are often in posts with little access to resources or need to implement the president’s priorities instead.

2021 ◽  

Courts can play an important role in addressing issues of inequality, discrimination and gender injustice for women. The feminisation of the judiciary – both in its thin meaning of women's entrance into the profession, as well as its thicker forms of realising gender justice – is a core part of the agenda for gender equality. This volume acknowledges both the diversity of meanings of the feminisation of the judiciary, as well as the complexity of the social and cultural realisation of gender equality. Containing original empirical studies, this book demonstrates the past and present challenges women face to entering the judiciary and progressing their career, as well as when and why they advocate for women's issues while on the bench. From stories of pioneering women to sector-wide institutional studies of the gender composition of the judiciary, this book reflects on the feminisation of the judiciary in the Asia-Pacific.


2019 ◽  

This conference transcript collects the lectures given at the interdisciplinary conference on gender equality and democracy, which took place in Hamburg in December 2017. The book addresses the issue of gender quotas for parliaments, elected committees in public administration and federal courts. While Germany celebrates the 100th anniversary of women's suffrage in 2018/19, women are still underrepresented at top level positions in politics. The current political debate seeks effective options to increase the representation of women. Binding quotas promise a solution and promote the constitutional and international legal goal of gender equality. However, legal quotas for public elections affect the principle of democracy. The contributions in this book shed light on the relationship between the principle of democracy and gender equality, and present different approaches for a more thorough understanding of democratic representation and legitimacy. With contributions by Sigrid Boysen, Brun-Otto Bryde, Pascale Cancik, Silke R. Laskowski, Ulrike Lembke, Anna Katharina Mangold, Hans-Jürgen Papier, Stephan Rixen, Gary S. Schaal, Astrid Wallrabenstein, Joachim Wieland


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Sangiuliano ◽  
Agostino Cortesi

Gender balance in research organizations is considered as a key step for ensuring research excellence and quality and inclusive-sustainable innovation. Still, in spite of an increasing number of HE and research institutions committed to make science more equal and some positive trends in figures on Gender equality in STEM research, it still appears to be difficult to prioritize gender equality. This is particularly true for disciplines such as ICT/IST where female representation at all levels is among the lowest ones among STEM topics and where a gender sensitive approach to ICT design and programming is far from being understood in its implications among computer and information systems scientist. H2020 (PGERI and SWAFS programmes in particular), promoted the concept of institutional change for gender equality, insisting on the need for merging change management and gender policies. The volume is focusing on a presentation and reflexive review of results and tools from the H2020 EQUAL-IST project to discuss opportunities to innovate and transform HR management and Institutional communication, research design, teaching & students services, via gender equality, and how such innovations could be multiplied and sustained with a focus on ICT and IST research organizations. The volume is complemented by contributions from other projects on institutional change in research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Ani Purwanti ◽  
Fajar Ahmad Setiawan

<em>This article explores the affirmative action related to women's political participation in the village's decision-making process that results in village regulations.</em> <em>This article uses a law-based approach, it will also demonstrate the contrasting implications between affirmative action on the village legislative system and the regional parliamentary system (city, province, and state). The decision-making process in the village differs from the conventional Parliament, where the implications of the affirmative action of village law differ from the parliamentary system. This is due to the existence of the village deliberation where a group of women is mandated to be directly involved in direct deliberation. This feature facilitates bottom-up politics for gender equality and advocacy of women's rights in decision-making where female and group representatives can work shoulder-to-shoulder and safeguard one another on the agenda of Women's empowerment and gender equality. This is a unique advantage that does not exist in parliamentary politics because the quota system does not guarantee the representation of women ideologically in line with the interests of women they represent.</em>


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
Jumni Nelli

The involvement of women in politics is important, because women have special needs that can only be understood best by the women themselves. If the women's problems is entrusted to the representatives who do not have the perspective of a female problem, it is almost certain that the policy issued is not sensitive to women's issues. Currently the representation of women is still low, not least in the province of Riau. But the low or lack of women's representation in the legislative agenda does not mean the strengthening of gender equality or gender mainstreaming (PUG) neglected. Interesting traced the existence of women legislators in Riau Province area totaling 18 people from 65 people to the Province, seven women sitting in Pekanbaru, and six women in Kampar truly representative of women in the province of Riau. The study concluded Women legislators in Riau Province is very sensitive and understand the problems and issues of gender/women, but because there is still minimal cause many obstacles encountered in achieving gender equality.


Author(s):  
Margunn Bjørnholt

This chapter presents findings from a study that explored intimate partner violence (IPV) and its relation to gender, gender equality and power, drawing on qualitative interviews with 28 women and 9 men. The chapter argues that being exposed to violence from an intimate partner in a presumed gender equal country represents a particular minority position, and for whom the Norwegian gender equal legislation and discourse may become part of the problem: Love and gender equality could be used as rhetorical resources for the perpetrator, and gendered patterns of care may contribute to the gendered character of IPV. Furthermore, the language of love and the ideals of trust and transparency in a relationship could be used and abused by the perpetrator to legitimize coercive control. Gender equality and the ideal of gender balance could also be used as rhetorical resources by the abuser, including the sharing of housework, political engagement against violence as well as shared parenting after divorce. This shows that egalitarian attitudes and gender balance in the division of labour in the home are not incompatible with the exercise of violence. Further, gendered expectations and feelings of care and love formed a gendered entanglement that made it difficult to leave. Fear of the perpetrator and concern for children’s safety in the context of the contemporary egalitarian post-separation regime in Norway further added to victims’ ordeals.


Author(s):  
Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon ◽  
Kendall D. Funk

Despite national gains, women’s representation at the subnational level has not increased much over time. In this chapter, Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon and Kendall D. Funk present and analyze original data on subnational legislatures and executives in Latin America. They examine the determinants of women’s representation in legislative and executive office and show that institutions and cross-arena diffusion are key explanations. Escobar-Lemmon and Funk show that women in local executive and legislative offices have worked to promote gender equality and women’s issues and worked to transform political arenas in ways that make them less biased toward women. They do, however, point out some significant challenges for gender equality in subnational politics—women are not getting into local executive offices to the same extent as they are legislative offices, subnational party politics has not been friendly to women, and gender balance is far from assured in local judiciaries and bureaucracies.


In the past thirty years, women’s representation and gender equality has developed unevenly in Latin America. Some countries have experienced large increases in gender equality in political offices, whereas others have not, and even within countries, some political arenas have become more gender equal whereas others continue to exude intense gender inequality. These patterns are inconsistent with explanations of social and cultural improvements in gender equality leading to improved gender equality in political office. Gender and Representation in Latin America argues instead that gender inequality in political representation in Latin America is rooted in institutions and the democratic challenges and political crises facing Latin American countries and that these challenges matter for the number of women and men elected to office, what they do once there, how much power they gain access to, and how their presence and actions influence democracy and society more broadly. The book draws upon the expertise of top scholars of women, gender, and political institutions in Latin America to analyze the institutional and contextual causes and consequences of women’s representation in Latin America. It does this in part I with chapters that analyze gender and political representation regionwide in each of five different “arenas of representation”—the presidency, cabinets, national legislatures, political parties, and subnational governments. In part II, it provides chapters that analyze gender and representation in each of seven different countries—Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia. The authors bring novel insights and impressive new data to their analyses, helping to make this one of the most comprehensive books on gender and political representation in Latin America today.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Barkah Barkah

Ceurik Rahwana and Tangis Anjani are part of Mamaos Cianjuran (a kind of opening poem), which is the oral tradition of song in West Java. Ceurik Rahwana and Tangis Anjani were chosen as study objects because of their unique gender. The study method uses critical discourse analysis. The results of the study were in the form of gender values from the local wisdom of Ceurik Rahwana and Tangis Anjani. The sympathies of this study concerning gender equality and gender balance (equilibrium), in essence, gender equality is not the same as a whole, but share the role of each other to glorify each other.


Author(s):  
Meryl Kenny ◽  
Fiona Mackay

What progress has been made for women’s representation and gender equality in post-devolution Scotland? Scottish devolution opened up new institutional, political, and discursive spaces for actors to gender mainstream debates and shape broader processes of institutional and constitutional restructuring. Yet, whilst in many respects Scotland has been a successful case of feminist constitutional activism, there have also been setbacks, reversals, and stagnation in both the descriptive and substantive representation of women. This chapter explores these dynamics through several key dimensions of representation and power over time, focusing on opportunities for change, but also highlighting underlying continuities and resistances. We conclude by reflecting on the uneven progress made for women as political actors and for gender as an issue in post-devolution Scottish politics.


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