How to have conversations

2021 ◽  
pp. 83-126
Author(s):  
Cristina Rosillo-López
Keyword(s):  
Young Men ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Expectations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conversation ◽  
Political Failure

Chapter 4 addresses the question of the social aspects of conversation. It studies how young Romans learnt the dynamics and workings of conversation and personal meetings during their tirocinium fori, and later by entering into a network of conversation. It discusses how this path could be different for young men from Italian towns and for the scions from the political aristocracy. The Roman practice of political conversation and meeting had customs and social expectations that had to be met and mastered; otherwise one would run the risk of social condemnation and political failure. Conversations, as we will see, were thus anchored in sociability: they could take place anywhere, but dinners constituted a habitual setting for them. This chapter will also study two other settings that could be related to political conversations: the senaculum and consilia.

scholarly journals Prasasti Kintamani E Kajian Epigrafi

HUMANIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
I Gede Prama Saputra ◽  
I Ketut Setiawan ◽  
Coleta Palupi Titasari
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Morphological Analysis ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Research Results ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Orders ◽  
Religious Aspect

This study is concentrated on a group of inscriptions currently stored in Bale Agung Kintamani Temple. Therefore the problemsis consists of two questions, those are: how the linguistic aspects of the inscription and aspects of social institutions enclosed to the inscription. The are two phasesresearch method. Data collection is done through libraryresearch and observation to documentation result. The collected dataare analyzed through morphological analysis and qualitative analysis.The research results showed that the Kintamani E inscription contains several aspects of language such as the using of affixation are Perfix: (di-, sa-, a- or ma-, pa-, ka-, pari-, Infix: -um- , -in-, suffixes: -nya-, -aken, - ?n, konfiks: (pa - an), (ma - an), (ka - an), (ma - ak?n), (pa - nya), (saka-nya).The social orders involved the political aspect, economic aspect, religious aspect and social aspects contained in the inscription very possibly reflectedthe society at that time

scholarly journals What Do Adolescents Know about Citizenship? Measuring Student’s Knowledge of the Social and Political Aspects of Citizenship

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Geert Ten Dam ◽  
Anne Bert Dijkstra ◽  
Ineke Van der Veen ◽  
Anne Van Goethem
Keyword(s):  
Private School ◽  
School Size ◽  
Social Aspects ◽  
The Political ◽  
Knowledge Test ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Student Background ◽  
Fine Grained ◽  
The Social ◽  
Micro Level

This paper analyses how young people’s citizenship knowledge is related to the different domains of citizenship in their daily lives. Based on a representative sample of some 5300 students in the third year of 80 Dutch secondary schools, our study relates citizenship knowledge to student background and school characteristics. The knowledge test developed for this study situates citizenship knowledge in the literature and the societal and political context defining the social structure students live in. The contribution of our study lies in this broad conceptualisation of citizenship, which is reflected in fine-grained, more specific results than the outcomes of earlier research. Gender differences are particularly pronounced in the social aspects of citizenship and are small in the political domain. As far as ethnic background is concerned, we see knowledge differences in the domain of “acting democratically”. This is also the domain where most of the differences in citizenship knowledge between students of the various schools and tracks occur. School size, public/private school, urbanisation and a more heterogeneous student population cannot explain these differences. To mitigate inequalities in citizenship knowledge between and within schools, which are relatively large in the Netherlands, further research is necessary to investigate micro-level mechanisms within schools.

scholarly journals Beyond Anticommunism

2015 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 640-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornel Ban
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Transnational Networks ◽  
The Political ◽  
Class Analysis ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Fields ◽  
Political Conversation ◽  
Analytical Category

The debate about socio-economic inequalities and class has become increasingly important in mainstream academic and political debates. This article shows that during the late 2000s class analysis was rediscovered in Romania both as an analytical category and as a category of practice. The evidence suggests that this was the result of two converging processes: the deepening crisis of Western capitalism after 2008 and the country’s increasingly transnational networks of young scholars, journalists, and civil society actors. Although a steady and focused interest in class analysis is a novelty in Romania’s academia, media, and political life and has the potential to change the political conversation in the future, so far the social fields where this analysis is practiced have remained relatively marginal.

Currency

Hydropolitics ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 63-90
Author(s):  
Christine Folch
Keyword(s):  
Financial Resources ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Expectations ◽  
Entire System ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cost Of Electricity ◽  
Political Work ◽  
The Social ◽  
Work Done ◽  
Electricity Tariff

This chapter focuses on the technicalities of the electricity tariff, how energy rent is conceptualized within Itaipú, and its effects on the Paraguayan government. It describes the making of a tariff, the base cost of electricity, and the political work done by a number before turning to “compensation,” the rent that Paraguay receives for energy sold in Brazil as well as the ensuing controversies that spurred the election of Fernando Lugo. This chapter also provides ethnographic exploration of favor-petitioning practices in the Paraguayan side of the dam and how administrators in the Lugo transition attempted to curtail such expectations. The calculations cast light onto the unappealing aspects of hydrofinance that enable the entire system even as the tariff formula and the social expectations into which it is embedded reveal broader postures toward state wealth, the public, and who has a claim to the financial resources of a nation. It explains the price of electricity and construction debt, as well as the social and numerical formulas for their calculation.

Why the Ethics of War needs the Social Sciences

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 227-251
Author(s):  
Ariel Colonomos
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Just War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Epistemic Reasons ◽  
Social Expectations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Ethics Of War ◽  
The Face ◽  
Just War Tradition ◽  
Normative Issues

Abstract This paper argues that, for both sociological and epistemic reasons, the ethics of war needs the social sciences and, accordingly, sets an alternative to the two prevailing approaches in the literature in the ethics of war field, i.e. the just war tradition model and the ethics of war theory. Given what we learn from the factual description of war and its interpretation in the social sciences, and given what their epistemic premises are, both models - and more particularly the second one – fail to address important normative issues that arise in the course of warfare. Based on the discussion of two case studies – states’ policy in the face of hostage-taking and the rule of proportionality – I argue it is important to move beyond the divide between a state-centric approach (the just war tradition) and an individualistic one (the ethics of war theory): it is indispensable to take into consideration other social spheres where norms emerge and find, between those spheres, some ‘overlapping normative ground’. I argue, both sociologically and normatively, that norms rely upon interlocking sets of expectations. I also argue that these social expectations need to be thoroughly examined in order to ascertain the plausibility of norms in warfare. As a conclusion, for reasons that are both sociological and normative, I stress the political importance, within a liberal and knowledge-oriented society, of the access to facts that always need to be interpreted when making normative claims.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

PENSAMENTO POLÍTICO EM GIORGIO AGAMBEN

Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes
Keyword(s):  
Political Freedom ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Control ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>

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