The Political Commissioner

Author(s):  
Frédéric Mérand

Based on four years of embedded observation in the cabinet of a European Commissioner, this book develops a sociology of international political work. Empirically, it offers an insider’s chronicle of the European Union between 2015 and 2019. The analysis traces the successes and failures of Commissioner Pierre Moscovici and his team on five issues that defined European politics between 2015 and 2019: the Greek crisis, budgetary disputes with Spain and Portugal, the rise of populism in Italy, the reform of the eurozone, and the fight against tax evasion. The aim is not to ascertain whether the Commission’s policy was good or bad, but to understand how political work is done in a European Union where the “spectacle of power” is blurred by twenty-four official languages, twenty-eight national histories, a powerful technocracy, and sometimes opaque institutions. As a life-long socialist politician and former French finance minister, Pierre Moscovici was perhaps the most intensely political character in Jean-Claude Juncker’s self-styled “Political Commission.” Brandishing his leftist identity, rejecting technocratic talk, he surrounded himself with staffers sharing his ambition—but also critical of his actions. Shadowing them from the corridors of the Berlaymont, the seat of the European Commission, to Washington and Athens, The Political Commissioner throws light on the partisan struggles that shaped the Juncker Commission, tensions with the Eurogroup and the Parliament, and recurring conflicts with the Member States. It also shows how political staffers operate informally and in their interaction with the media and civil servants, as they craft and sell public policies to the public.

2021 ◽  
pp. 215-229
Author(s):  
Frédéric Mérand

This book’s ethnographic narrative ends with a description of the last months of the Moscovici cabinet, which dissolves as he and his collaborators look for new opportunities, while the incoming Commission headed by Ursula von der Leyen is engulfed in political controversy and Brexit negotiations. Exiting fieldwork through a collective reading of the book manuscript, I discuss the methodological challenges of embedded observation, while the Moscos take stock of their collective experience. What did the political commissioner and his staff achieve? What were the limits of political work? The conclusion is an opportunity to reflect on Juncker’s “Political Commission” experiment and on what it means to do politics in the European Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 728-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederik Stevens ◽  
Iskander De Bruycker

This paper evaluates the circumstances under which affluent interest groups wield influence over policy outcomes. Interest group scholarship is ambiguous about the beneficial role of economic resources for lobbying influence. Economically resourceful groups are often presumed to provide more and better expert information to decision-makers and, in exchange, receive more favourable policy concessions. We argue that the beneficial role of economic resources is contingent on the media salience of policy dossiers. We expect that resourceful groups are more influential when issues are discussed behind the public scenes, while their competitive advantage dampens once issues grow salient in the news media. We test our expectations in the context of European Union policymaking, drawing from 183 expert surveys with lobbyists connected to a sample of 41 policy issues. Our empirical findings demonstrate that economic resources matter for lobbying influence, but that their effect is conditional on the media salience of policy issues.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Georgiana Udrea

In recent times, the European Union has been confronted with huge challenges and crises, which, in the absence of prompt and effective measures, call into question the future of the European project itself. The political incongruities, the disintegrating tendencies culminating with Brexit, the divisions between northern and southern states over economic crisis and austerity measures, the refugee waves and their poor integration into society, the rise of populist and extremist currents, etc. have caused anger, confusion and fear among Europeans, influencing the relations between member states and public perceptions. In this unstable context, studying people’s opinion on the EU and its subtle mechanisms becomes an important and pragmatic effort, as the public has the means to pursue action based on its feelings of support or opposition towards the community block. Oana Ștefăniță’s book, Uniunea Europeană – un trend în derivă? proposes such an insight into the world of young European citizens, investigating their interest in European issues, the EU’s place on the agenda of interpersonal conversations, the way they understand and experience the feeling of European belonging, and their perspectives on the future of the Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-159
Author(s):  
Nataša Ružić

As a media outlet established, funded and controlled by the public, the public broadcaster has a special obligation in regard to informing the people about topics of public interest in accordance with professional reporting standards. European integration represents one of these topics. bearing in mind the fact that Montenegro started its journey towards the European Union in 2008. So far, 32 chapters have been opened, excluding Chapter 8 which is related to competition. In recent years, public opinion polls have shown a decline in the number of Montenegrin citizens who support Montenegro’s accession to the EU. This result can be explained by the impact of Brexit and the pessimistic estimates of experts that the European Union is going to fall apart in the near future. It is clear that the media – above all the public broadcaster – plays an important role in the process of informing the public on the accession process and shaping public opinion. Therefore, this work shall be dedicated to an analysis of the public broadcaster’s reporting on Chapter 27 which is related to the environment and climate change. This chapter was chosen precisely because Montenegro defi nes itself as an ecological state.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerstin Poehls

More and more museums all over Europe are discovering migration as a topic for exhibitions. These exhibitions on migration question notions of objectivity or of European universalism. This article looks at a broad range of recent exhibitions and museums that address the topic of migration. Taking into consideration their varying scope and institutional context, this text argues that exhibitions on migration tell several stories at once: Firstly, they present stories of migration in a certain city, region or nation, and within a particular period of time. For this purpose, curators make extensive use of maps – with the peculiar effect that these maps blur what seems to be the clear-cut entity of reference of the museum itself or the exhibition. To a stronger degree than other phenomena that turn into museal topics, ’migration’ unveils the constructed character of geographic or political entities such as the nation or the European Union. It shows how, hidden below the norm of settledness, mobilities are and have always been omnipresent in and fundamental for European societies. Secondly and related to this, exhibitions on migration add a new chapter to the meta-narrative of museums: implicitly, they challenge the relevance of the nation - specifically, of both the historical idea that initiated the invention of the public museum (cf. e.g. Bennett 1999) and the political fundament of European integration today. They provoke questions of settledness, citizenship, or contemporary globalisation phenomena that are equally implicitly put on display. The consequent effect is a blurring of the concept of the nationstate. Finally, migration as a museal topic conveys a view on how the institution of the ’museum’ relates to such a fuzzy thing as mobility, thus provoking questions for further research.


Author(s):  
Yana Kybich

June 2016 was marked by a landmark event - the so-called Brexit (literally from Britain’s exit ) – a referendum in which 52% of the population voted for the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union and only 48% - against. The significant changes that took place in the UK in the summer of 2016, finally split British society into those who are for and against leaving the European Union. The British media acted as a platform for political debates and discussions on the key issue of Britain’s stay in the EU. The most powerful media conglomerate, of course, had a decisive influence on the mood of those who voted, intensifying social polarization, which was reflected in the results of the fateful referendum. Elements of the British media played a key role in the debate over the referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union. The exit vote was influenced by a long campaign against the EU and against migration from EU countries. Throughout the campaign, virtually all media are in flagrant violation of journalistic standards of objectivity, fairness, and accuracy, becoming essentially propaganda bodies. The relevance of the study is due to the fundamental changes in British society related to the Brexit process, as well as the importance for politicians and the public of understanding public opinion and the media about Brexit. In addition, it is important to see how the view of Brexit has changed. It is necessary to find out the benefits, priorities and understanding of different scenarios, the driving forces behind these attitudes, and whether they change in response to statements and remarks by politicians and public figures. Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union is important for the whole world, as it affects the changing geopolitics of the whole of Europe. This topic is important for understanding the study of the political preferences of British society and the British media during the Brexit process. It can be stated unequivocally that both Brexit and the subsequent US election campaign in 2016 showed another example of skillful speculation in facts and figures, the successful creation and dissemination of unverified “viral information” through the media, which in the era of telecommunications has become a particularly effective tool for manipulation of public sentiment. The example of Brexit has demonstrated how to take the success of such campaigns to a new level, using all types of media (from traditional to electronic, including social networks), through which you can introduce into society binary oppositions that divide it, to introduce into the information space certain political figures, to popularize the necessary moods and slogans, to simplify the political process to the level of a show.


Author(s):  
Óscar Alzaga Villaamil

La crisis económica española, evidenciada tras el estallido de la gran burbuja inmobiliaria ha dejado sobre la mesa toda una serie de preguntas, que el autor enuncia a los efectos de entender la hondura del problema que llevó a que Europa empujase a España a la reforma en 2011 de su constitucionalismo económico. Esta reforma siguió el camino trazado por las previas revisiones de los textos constitucionales afrontadas en Polonia, Suiza y Alemania. Pero las cuentas públicas de ciertos estados del sur de la Unión Europea han pasado a constituir un problema para la política económica y financiera de toda la UE, cuya solución se ha convertido en una oportunidad para avanzar en su construcción política, trance en que los constitucionalistas deben aportar sus mejores esfuerzos.The Spanish economic crisis, evidenced after the outbreak of the great housing bubble has left on the table a series of questions, which the author states the purpose of understanding the depth of the problem that led Europe push Spain to the reform in 2011 of its economic constitutionalism. This reform followed the path set by the previous reviews the constitutions faced in Poland, Switzerland and Germany. But the public accounts of certain southern states of the European Union have come to constitute a problem for the economic and financial policy across the EU, whose solution has become an opportunity to advance their political construction, situation in which the Constitutionalists should make their best efforts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175048132098215
Author(s):  
Petre Breazu ◽  
Göran Eriksson

The lifting of work restrictions for Romanian and Bulgarian citizens in the EU, in January 2014, encountered much resistance both in European political discourse and the media, as these migrants became demonised and presented as social and economic threats. In this article, we show how the Romanian press dealt with such discriminatory discourses against the Romanian migrants. We conduct a thorough Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA) of news items published in Romanian press, prior to the lifting of work restrictions, and we argue that the Roma emerged as the perfect scapegoats that could explain the deviant and unruly behaviours ascribed by some western media to ‘Romanians’. We also show how racism toward the Roma, referred here as Romaphobia, invokes non-racial practices and instead builds on a reverse victimhood narrative. Such discourses relate in a broader sense to well-established discursive practices in Romanian context but also to the political climate across Europe which is marked by increased intolerance toward the Roma. It is the mixture of stereotypical discourses and populist rhetoric that makes racism towards the Roma appear naturalised and increasingly more difficult to challenge.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rossen Vassilev

The controversy over bringing back Bulgaria’s abolished monarchy reflects in a large measure the prolonged agony the country has been undergoing ever since it launched on a course of painful post-communist reforms. Against the background of a deep economic crisis, mass poverty, the breakdown of law and order, and political chaos that have traumatized the population, the attempts to reinstate the monarchy have failed only because of its low historical legitimacy. While the ex-king’s triumph in the June 2001 election initially seemed to improve the chances for bringing back the monarchy, such a restoration has been rendered less likely now by the numerous failures and blunders of his time in office, particularly his inability to rebuild the ailing national state and economy. In spite of some notable foreign policy successes such as Bulgaria’s entry into NATO and the European Union, ex—Prime Minister Simeon did not live up to the naïvely overoptimistic expectations of Bulgarians who had hoped that he would save their country from the profound economic, social, political, institutional, and even moral crisis into which it has descended. The precipitous fall of the political fortunes of Simeon, especially as a result of the public relations disaster involving the scandalous “restitution” of his family’s properties that turned the ex-monarch into a multimillionaire, does not bode well for the prospect of reintroducing the monarchy. In the eyes of many ordinary Bulgarians, the former king has now turned into a liability and an embarrassing disappointment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 221 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-236
Author(s):  
Assist. Prof. Dr. Saadoon Salman Nagim

The present study aims at identifying the political Education of Mohammad ( prayers be on him) and its educational applications , So as to be a living example to follow in the different levels of political work , as well as to create a generation of youth capable of  Facing the cultural invasion which may takes  away their rights in their country unconsciously. The limits of the present study has been the prophet sunnah during prophet  Mohammad's life from his birth till his death .      Several results have been reached at such as : Prophet Mohammad has been capable within twenty years to overcame on all the obstacles that have faced him , including the unbelievers who have fought , hurt , and dismissed him out of meccah in addition to the hypo crates who have conspired against him . The Prophet has been capable to make revolution that has never been like during history which has happened in a whole people be life that has transformed them from being unbelievers in to believers in one God. Several  conclusions have been put forward such as : The Prophet has established the secret group and the public group , which call to change the society systems and beliefs , and use all the available media means such as single communication, Rhetoric , the media war against Thought and all this is political work. The basis that the Prophets' political education has been based on is the belie fine One God ( Al- Tawheed ) and Islam with all the legislated beliefs , worships and treatments 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document