scholarly journals The political Education of prophet Mohammad ( prayers be on him) and Educational Applications

2018 ◽  
Vol 221 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-236
Author(s):  
Assist. Prof. Dr. Saadoon Salman Nagim

The present study aims at identifying the political Education of Mohammad ( prayers be on him) and its educational applications , So as to be a living example to follow in the different levels of political work , as well as to create a generation of youth capable of  Facing the cultural invasion which may takes  away their rights in their country unconsciously. The limits of the present study has been the prophet sunnah during prophet  Mohammad's life from his birth till his death .      Several results have been reached at such as : Prophet Mohammad has been capable within twenty years to overcame on all the obstacles that have faced him , including the unbelievers who have fought , hurt , and dismissed him out of meccah in addition to the hypo crates who have conspired against him . The Prophet has been capable to make revolution that has never been like during history which has happened in a whole people be life that has transformed them from being unbelievers in to believers in one God. Several  conclusions have been put forward such as : The Prophet has established the secret group and the public group , which call to change the society systems and beliefs , and use all the available media means such as single communication, Rhetoric , the media war against Thought and all this is political work. The basis that the Prophets' political education has been based on is the belie fine One God ( Al- Tawheed ) and Islam with all the legislated beliefs , worships and treatments 

Author(s):  
Frédéric Mérand

Based on four years of embedded observation in the cabinet of a European Commissioner, this book develops a sociology of international political work. Empirically, it offers an insider’s chronicle of the European Union between 2015 and 2019. The analysis traces the successes and failures of Commissioner Pierre Moscovici and his team on five issues that defined European politics between 2015 and 2019: the Greek crisis, budgetary disputes with Spain and Portugal, the rise of populism in Italy, the reform of the eurozone, and the fight against tax evasion. The aim is not to ascertain whether the Commission’s policy was good or bad, but to understand how political work is done in a European Union where the “spectacle of power” is blurred by twenty-four official languages, twenty-eight national histories, a powerful technocracy, and sometimes opaque institutions. As a life-long socialist politician and former French finance minister, Pierre Moscovici was perhaps the most intensely political character in Jean-Claude Juncker’s self-styled “Political Commission.” Brandishing his leftist identity, rejecting technocratic talk, he surrounded himself with staffers sharing his ambition—but also critical of his actions. Shadowing them from the corridors of the Berlaymont, the seat of the European Commission, to Washington and Athens, The Political Commissioner throws light on the partisan struggles that shaped the Juncker Commission, tensions with the Eurogroup and the Parliament, and recurring conflicts with the Member States. It also shows how political staffers operate informally and in their interaction with the media and civil servants, as they craft and sell public policies to the public.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Wahyuni Choiriyati

Celebrity politicians and mass media attract public’s attention. News about celebrity politicians become a commodity for mass media and it increases the popularity of the celebrity politicians. This creates relationships of capitalism motion in mass media that has penetrated digital media. Focus of this study is public meanings about celebrity politicians on online media. Using qualitative methods and in-depth interviews, this study shows how the practice of the commodification content of celebrity politicians and mass media was interwoven. The result also shows that the practice of the commodification of online media content in the fabric of pragmatism has no exercise of political education efforts through the media. Media were supposed to carry out their duties in an effort to educate the public actually shirking its duty. Practice capitalism in media shallow public thinking on the political dynamics in Indonesia. The struggle between the interests of the media as an institution of political education and vice versa become imaging agents on the political role. This siltation is the embryo of the normalization of news construction power that led towards pragmatism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ergin Bulut ◽  
Başak Can

Following the coup attempt in Turkey, former Gulenists made appearances on various television channels and disclosed intimate and spectacular information regarding their past activities. We ask: what is the political work of these televised disclosures? In answering this question, we situate the coup within the media event literature and examine the intimate work of these televised disclosures performed as part of a media event. The disclosures we examine were extremely spectacular statements that worked to reconstruct a highly divided and polarized society through an intimate language. Consequently, these television performances had two functions: ideological and affective. First, these disclosures and television shows chose to foreground sensation and therefore mystified the illegal networks that historically prepared the coup. Second, using a language of regret and apology, these disclosures aimed to teach the audience how to be purified and good citizens through a mediated, pedagogical relationship. Within the vulnerable context of a hegemonic crisis, these disclosures intended to form their own publics where citizens were invited to sympathize with those who made mistakes in the past, ultimately aiming to create national unity and reconciliation.


Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 1641-1656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Volkmann

It is a long-established commonplace in any debate on immigration that immigrants should integrate into their receiving society. But integrate into what precisely? Into the labor market, into the legal order, into the political system, into a national culture whatever this might comprise? The Article tries to approach the question from the legal point of view and looks for hints or clues in the constitution which might help us with the answer. For this purpose, it explores the general theory of the constitution as it has been shaped by its professional interpreters as well as by political actors, the media and the public. The main intuition is that “constitution” is not only a written document, a text with a predefined, though maybe hidden meaning; instead, it is a social practice evolving over time and thereby reflecting the shared convictions of a political community of what is just and right. Talking about constitutional expectations toward immigrants then also tells us something about ourselves: about who we are and what kind of community we want to live in. As it turns out, we may not have a very clear idea of that.


2002 ◽  
Vol 103 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan McKee

This paper argues that much writing about media and citizenship tends to rely on a set of realist or structuralist assumptions about what constitutes a state, a citizen and politics. Because of these assumptions, other forms of social organisation that could reasonably be described as nations, and other forms of social engagement that could be called citizenship are excluded from consideration. One effect of this blindness is that certain identities, and the cultural formations associated with them, continue to be overvalued as more real and important than others. Areas of culture that are traditionally while, masculine, middle-class and heterosexual remain central in debates, while the political processes of citizens of, for example, a Queer nation, continue to be either ignored or devalued as being somehow trivial, unimportant or less real. The paper demonstrates that this need not be the case — that the language of nation and citizenship can reasonably be expanded to include these other forms of social organisation, and that when such a conceptual move is made, we can find ways of describing contemporary culture that attempt to understand the public-sphere functions of the media without falling back into traditional prejudices against feminised, Queer, working class or non-white forms of culture.


1990 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Denver ◽  
Gordon Hands

There has been considerable debate in recent years about the effects of the teaching of Politics upon levels of ‘political literacy’ – the knowledge and understanding of the political process and political issues which enables people to perform their roles as citizens effectively. Almost everyone receives some form of political education. For most people, however, the process of political education is informal: political knowledge, as well as opinions and attitudes, is picked up from the family, friends and the media. Informal political education also takes place in schools. In primary schools, children acquire elementary information about the political system, parties, leaders and so on. In secondary schools, subjects such as History and Geography and courses in General Studies frequently involve topics that are relevant to politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-53
Author(s):  
Aid Mršić ◽  
◽  
Larisa Softić-Gasal ◽  

The public service, which should be the guardian of the identity of national minorities, fell under the political pressure. In this way, it came out of the scope of its actions. Leading people in independent media believe that the role of the public service is crucial in protecting national minorities.But the media can not do it alone. First of all, the state must regulate, and respect what it has brought. With strong strategies and the inclusion of national minorities in all social trends, it is possible to achieve, not fully, but partially, the equality of all those who liveon the territory of BiH.On the other hand, the public service must respect what the state says. The Communications Regulatory Agency is obliged to impose rules in an adequate manner and at the same time to monitor how much the media (public service) meets its obligations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Adnan Pattipeilohy ◽  
Nurbani Yusuf ◽  
Trisakti Handayani

ABSTRAKUsaha sadar dan terencana untuk mewujudkan suasana belajar dan proses pembelajaran agar peserta didik secara aktif pengembangkan potensi yang dimiliki seperti kekuatan spiritual keagamaan, pengendalian diri, kepribadian, kecerdasan, dan memiliki akhlak mulia. Untuk mewujudkan masyarakat yang sejahtra tidak mudah tanpa keterlibatan pendidikan politik yang efektif.Pendidikan Politik yang efektif ialah mampu memberikan pemahaman kepada masyarakat tentang Hak dan Kewajibannya dalam Bidang Politik. Hal demikian yang ditanamkan pada Pemilih Pemula khususnya Siswa Sekolah Menengah Atas (SMA) Negeri 1 Omesuri Balauring. Bukan hanya memberikan kesadaran akan Hak dan kewajibannya dalam momentum Demokratis Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Bupati dan Wakil Bupati pada 15 Februari 2017 lalu tetapi juga memberikan pemahaman untuk menjadi Pemilih Cerdas yang tidak Dekriminatif kedaerahan dan Kesukuan ataupun sentiment Agama tetapi berdasarkan kemampuan memimpin tawaran visi misi yang ditawarkan para calon Bupati dan wakil bupati Lembata periode 2017 - 2022. Adapun tujuan dalam penelitian ini ialah sebagai berikut: 1) Menjelaskan bentuk-bentuk pendidikan politik pada pemilih pemula yang dilaksanakan oleh Panitia Pemilihan kecamatan pada pemilih pemula di SMAN 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. 2) Mendeskripsikan dampak pendidikan politik yang dilakukan oleh Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan pada pemilih pemula di SMAN 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. Penilitian ini menggunakan teknik penelitian deskriptif kualitatif. Dimana peneliti terjun langsung untuk menggali informasi terkait dengan judul dari penelitian. Pengumpulan data diperoleh dengan teknik wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi.Adapun informasi yang perlu digali informasinya adalah pemilih pemula SMAN 1 Balauring dan anggota Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK).Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diperoleh hasil sebagai berikut: 1) Pendidikan politik yang menjadi tanggung jawab Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) Kabupaten Lembata yang dilaksanakan di sekolah-sekolah salah satunya SMAN 1 Balauring, melalui Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK) Omesuri dilakukan dengan metode sosialisasi pemilih pemula dengan sasaran Siswa-siswi SMAN 1 Balauring dengan kisaran umur 17 Tahun keatas dengan metode penyampaian ke kelas-kelas layaknya metode pengajaran biasa dan melalui alat bantu ajar yaitu bahan tayang materi tentang kepemiluan yang disampaiakan oleh KPU dan PPK. Materi yang disampaikan antara lain: Pengertian umum tentang Pemilu, Pemilih Pemula, syarata-syarat menjadi pemilih, dan PPK juga menyampaikan tentang kategori pemilih cerdas yang memilih berdasarakan kemampuan kepemimpinan, visi dan misi yang ditawarkan oleh calon Bupati dan Wakil Bupati. 2) Tujuan dari adanya pendidikan politik oleh KPU dan PPK adalah selain memberikan kesadaran akan hak yang dimiliki oleh pemilih pemulah juga untuk menekan angkah golongan putih (Golput). Melalui wawancara yang dilakukan oleh peneliti, adapun dampak dilihat dari respon Siswasiswi setelah adanya sosialisasi atau pendidikan politik oleh PPK yaitu kesadaran untuk hadir dan ikut memilih pada tanggal 15 Februari 2017.Kata Kunci : Pendidikan, Politik, Efektif, Tujuan, Pemilih, Pemilih Pemula, Cerdas, Pemimpian,bupati, wakil bupati. ABSTRACTThe enterprises are conscious and planned to realize learning atmosphere and learning process so that students are actively developing the potential possessed such as spiritual strength, self-control, personality, intelligence, and have good morale. To realize it is not easy without effective political education. It is education to given understanding to the public about rights and obligations in the political field. That things should be instilled in the novice voter especially student of SMA Negeri 1 Balauring. It is not only about provides awareness of his rights and obligations in the election of regents and vice regents on 15 February 2017,but provide an understanding to be an intelligent voter who does not decriminate regionalism or ethnic or religious sentiments but based on the leadership ability and vision of the mission offered by candidates for the period 2017-2022.The purpose of this research is: 1). To explains the forms of political education in novice voters that conducted by the district election committee on the novice voters in SMA Negeri 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. 2). To describe the impact of political education undertaken by the district election committee on the novice voters in SMA Negeri 1 Balauring Kabupaten Lembata. this research used qualitative descriptive research technique. For this case researchers go directly to search for information related to the title of the research. The technique to collected data is interview, observation and documentation. Any information that needs to be searched is the novice voter in SMA Negeri 1 Balauring and a member of Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK).Based on the research results obtained the following results: 1). the political education which is the responsibility of the Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) is implemented in the schools of one of the SMA Negeri 1 Balauring, through Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan (PPK) Omesuri is done with the method of socialization of novice voters with the target students of SMA Negeri 1 Balauring with the age range of 17 years and over with the method of delivering to the classroom as usual teaching methods and through teaching aids that material about the election submitted by KPU and PPK. The material presented is general understanding of elections, novice voters, voter conditions, and PKK also presented about the intelligent voter category that chooses based on leadership ability, vision and mission offered by candidates. 2) the purpose of political education by KPU and PKK is reduce the number of voters who do not vote (Golput). Through interviews conducted by the researchers obtained the results of the impact of student responses after the socialization or political education by PPK is the awareness to attend and vote on 15 February 2017.Keyword: Education, Political, Effective, Purpose, Votes, Novice voters, Intelligent, leader, Regents, Vice Regents


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernanda Sánchez ◽  
Fabrício Leal de Oliveira ◽  
Poliana Gonçalves Monteiro

The struggle of the residents in Vila Autódromo to reinvent their territory, violently affected by the onslaught of urban restructuring during the times of Olympic urbanism in Rio de Janeiro, is taken as an emblematic case of the production of conflictual space. The present article describes the various instruments and strategies that the residents and their supporters have used in order to resist the current city project. The imaginative capacity of the subjects over recent years has helped to bring the case into the public sphere on several different levels: local, national and international. The present article is made up of the following sections: a brief description of Vila Autódromo as a disputed territory; the media as an active tool in the production of space; institutional violence on the territory; places for communicating the struggle; and insurgent territorial grammars. In the final considerations a number of the key ideas are taken up so as to emphasize the transformative, emancipatory learning possibilities for all those who have participated within the process.


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