How to Resolve a Crisis

2021 ◽  
pp. 195-206
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

In this chapter the author analyses the problems faced by Venizelos in finding a solution to a difficult political impasse. He had to persuade all parties, viz. the military league, the old party politicians (Theotokis etc), and the king, of the merits of his solution, which was to convoke a Revisionary National Assembly to revise the constitution, with the officers of the league returning to barracks. He handled these parties with immense skill, tackling the league first, then the politicians, and finally the king. The most difficult customer was the king, deeply suspicious of the national assembly proposal because he feared its constitutional implications for the dynasty. However, with the holding of a Crown Council, and further negotiations, Venizelos's efforts succeeded, and all accepted the proposal for a revisionary assembly. Stefanos Dragoumis was appointed prime minister and Venizelos was able to return to Crete - having strengthened his links with liberal and radical politicians, and opened the way to his later entry into the Greek political system.

UK Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 19-43
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick

This chapter examines two closely connected institutions that lie at the epicentre of UK politics and these are the Cabinet and the Prime Minister (PM). The chapter considers the basic characteristics of both. It describes the way in which they operate, including policy, the functions of the Prime Ministerial role, the supporting staff, and the place of both in the UK constitution and system of government. The principle of the collective responsibility of ministers is touched upon. The chapter gives some practical examples of how selective PMs have worked with their Cabinets to demonstrate how these theories can play out in practical terms. The chapter also provides historical material to illuminate the background to the issues it considers. Finally, the chapter asks: is collective government, that is, government by a group rather than a single leader, the right approach for the UK today? The chapter also touches on the issue of Brexit and questions what we have learnt from the Brexit experience in terms of the UK political system.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.


Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-264
Author(s):  
Gheorghe Calcan

Abstract Our paper aims to highlight the way Ion I. C. Brătianu was presented outside national borders in a fundamental moment of our national history, namely the integration of Romania into the operations of World War I in 1916. At that landmark moment, Ion I. C. Brătianu was Prime Minister of the country and was perceived abroad as the most powerful personality in the Romanian decisionmaking space, on whom the very decision to enter the war was hanging on. Foreign observers considered that Brătianu would not integrate with the war other than besides the military camp and in the moment that would definitely ensure their final victory. In order to sketch his image at international level we mainly used the information provided by the French press of the time (especially newspaper “Le Figaro”).


Vojno delo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Sanja Jevtović-Čanović ◽  
Ksenija Đurić-Atanasievski

The way media and journalism present and deal with certain topics can firmly reflect the dominant opinion on questions important in society. This paper examines the way media describes women in the Serbian Armed Forces. The authors postulate that the positive publicity in the media can contribute to achieving greater equality, as well as encouraging woman to choose military professions, while simultaneously improving the public image of the Serbian Armed Forces. This research covers items published in print and electronic Serbian media spanning from 2016. to 2018. Our research demonstrates that women in the Serbian Armed Forces are consistently present at the same percentage of the total amount of public reporting on military news and topics. Such result is a reflection of the societal acceptance of female enrolment in the Military Academy more than a decade ago, coupled with the implementation of two national Action Plans under the UN Security Councilˊs Resolution 1325 - Women, Peace and Security in the Republic of Serbia. It is the opinion of the authors that the image of women in traditionally male - dominant professions, such as the military, is viewed as positive. The majority of articles on women in the Army are noted to be issued during either highly publicized events, such as the promotion ceremony for the youngest officers of the Serbian Armed Forces in front of the National Assembly in Belgrade or during advertisements for enrolment in Military Schools and voluntary conscription. Overall, the image and role of women in the Army is viewed as more positive compared to articles of women in general and in other professions in Serbia. The results of this research have also indicated that some stereotyping exists, relating to the representation of women in media. Further improvements can be directed towards diversifying topics on women with the active support of the military establishment itself.


Author(s):  
Mira Kamdar

What is India’s political system? The 1949 constitution established India as a “sovereign democratic republic.” In 1976, under a state of emergency imposed by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that suspended many citizen rights and freedoms, a forty-second amendment to the original constitution added the...


Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-436
Author(s):  
Christopher Duggan

This article examines the changing attitude of the Sicilian statesman Francesco Crispi towards Britain between the 1850s and the end of the century. While Crispi had enormous admiration for Britain, and recognised that Italy had much to learn from its political system, he also acknowledged that the British constitution was the product of a long process of historical evolution and could never be imitated slavishly in Italy. From the end of the 1870s in particular, Crispi felt that Italy could not concede the degree of freedom permitted in Britain until the state had completed its work of what he called ‘political education’. As prime minister in the 1880s and 1890s Crispi looked to an aggressive foreign policy to strengthen Italy's beleaguered institutions, and he counted on British support to achieve this. The refusal of Britain to back him in the way he hoped left him perplexed and ultimately disillusioned about what he had felt was a special friendship between the two countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Shazia Noareen

The paper analysis and conceptualizing the status and emancipation of women in Pakistan during the Musharraf era. In Pakistan’s context, the position of women is a foundational gender disparity even though the reality is that it differs impressively across classes, zones and the rural/urban disparity because of uneven socio-economic growth and the influence of innate, primitive and entrepreneur societal arrangements on the women lives. The study concluded that Pakistani women nowadays, although they escalate a higher status than before. Moreover, women in Pakistan have attained high positions, including Prime Minister, Speaker of the National Assembly, Foreign Minister, and federal ministers also, judges and officers in the military.


Significance A seven-party coalition led by the main anti-junta Pheu Thai Party is short of the halfway mark in the 500-member House of Representatives. The pro-junta Phalang Pracharat Party has fewer seats than Pheu Thai. However, with the 250-member Senate hand-picked by the military-led National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), it has a strong chance of mustering the requisite support of half the National Assembly (the House and Senate together) to return incumbent Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha to power. Impacts The military will be the dominant force in Thai politics. Amid flagging exports, the new government could widen tax incentives to boost domestic consumption. Negotiations on an EU-Thailand free trade agreement will likely resume.


Author(s):  
Arezou Azad

Covering the period from 709 to 871, this chapter traces the initial conversion of Afghanistan from Zoroastrianism and Buddhism to Islam. Highlighting the differential developments in four regions of Afghanistan, it discusses the very earliest history of Afghan Islam both as a religion and as a political system in the form of a caliphate.  The chapter draws on under-utilized sources, such as fourth to eighth century Bactrian documents from Tukharistan and medieval Arabic and Persian histories of Balkh, Herat and Sistan. In so doing, it offers a paradigm shift in the way early Islam is understood by arguing that it did not arrive in Afghanistan as a finished product, but instead grew out of Afghanistan’s multi-religious context. Through fusions with Buddhism, Zoroastrianism, early Abrahamic traditions, and local cult practices, the Islam that resulted was less an Arab Islam that was imported wholesale than a patchwork of various cultural practices.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document