Hegel's Political Philosophy

Hegel famously argues that his speculative method is a foundation for claims about socio-political reality within a wider philosophical system. This systematic approach is thought a superior alternative to all other ways of philosophical thinking. Hegel’s method and system have normative significance for understanding everything from ethics to the state. Hegel’s approach has attracted much debate among scholars about key philosophical questions—and controversy about his proposed answers to them. Is his method and system open to the charge of dogmatism? Are his claims about the rationality of monarchy, unequal gender relations, an unelected second parliamentary chamber, and a corporation-based economy beyond revision? If not, does his political philosophy collapse into relativism? Since Hegel’s method is supposed to save him from either extreme, is there anything about his criticism of previous philosophies that could make his approach attractive to contemporary thinkers? Or is it preferable to focus on Hegel’s conclusions only, disregard his method, and interpret him in a non-systematic reading? This groundbreaking collection of new essays by leading interpreters of Hegel’s philosophy is dedicated to the questions that surround Hegel’s philosophical method and its relationship to the conclusions of his political philosophy. It contributes to the ongoing debate about the importance of a systematic context for political philosophy and the relationship between theoretical and practical philosophy, and it engages with contemporary discussions about the shape of a rational social order and gauges the timeliness of Hegel’s way of thinking.

Author(s):  
Thom Brooks ◽  
Sebastian Stein

This collection is dedicated to questions surrounding Hegel’s philosophical method and its relationship to the conclusions of his political philosophy. It contributes to the debate about the importance of a systematic context for political philosophy, and the relationship between theoretical and practical philosophy. It also engages with contemporary discussions about the shape of a rational social order and gauges the timeliness of Hegel’s way of thinking. The chapters do not approach the topic of the relationship between Hegel’s method and system with his political philosophy from the same perspective—nor do they reach the same conclusions. But they suggest that greater attention can and should be paid to how Hegel’s political philosophy relates to his larger philosophical enterprise. It is hoped that this volume will enliven a wider debate about the importance of Hegel’s system for understanding his philosophy as a fruitful site for future research.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Berkey

ABSTRACT In this article, I aim to clarify some key issues in the ongoing debate about the relationship between Rawlsian political philosophy and business ethics. First, I discuss precisely what we ought to be asking when we consider whether corporations are part of the “basic structure of society.” I suggest that the relevant questions have been mischaracterized in much of the existing debate, and that some key distinctions have been overlooked. I then argue that although Rawlsian theory’s potential implications for business ethics are more extensive than some have suggested, the nature of the concern that we ought to have about the effects of corporate behavior on individuals’ economic and social conditions should lead us to reject the view that corporations are bound by principles of justice only if, and insofar as, they are part of the basic structure.


Author(s):  
Aviezer Ravitzky

This chapter studies Maimonides’ discussion of Messianism. Maimonides’ political philosophy and anthropology direct his positive Messianic models: the political realization of the Torah within Israel and the intellectual actualization of the spiritual power within the human species. His ontology and theology, on the other hand, dictate his negative emphases — the restrictions and limitations imposed upon Messianism: the rejection of cosmic, apocalyptic redemption, and the setting of Messianic hope within the domain of human existence. While his Messianism is dictated not by his mind but by his faith, it is essentially his mind that directs, defines, and limits the object of his faith. The chapter then offers certain patterns for understanding the reasoning of Maimonides in his depiction of Messianic days, to establish its normative significance, and to examine the relationship established in his teaching among the three different dimensions of redemption — individual, national, and universal. The analysis takes into account the relevant passages scattered among Maimonides’ various writings, but gives primary weight to the clear, well-structured, and detailed presentation found at the end of Hilkhot Melakhim (Laws of kings) in the light of the Guide of the Perplexed.


This is the second volume in Oxford Studies in Experimental Philosophy, a series with the aim of providing a venue for publishing work in this emerging field. Experimental philosophy is a new movement that seeks to use empirical techniques to illuminate some of the oldest issues in philosophy. It is an interdisciplinary field at the intersection of philosophy, psychology, and related disciplines, such as linguistics and sociology. Although the movement is only a few years old, it has already sparked an explosion of new research, challenging a number of cherished assumptions in both philosophy and the cognitive sciences. This volume includes both theoretical and experimental chapters as well as chapters that cross traditional disciplinary boundaries. It is divided into three parts that explore epistemology, moral and political philosophy, and metaphysics and mind, showcasing the diversity of work that has arisen as traditionally philosophical questions have met the tools of social science.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamar Kricheli-Katz ◽  
Tali Regev

AbstractResearch suggests that gendered languages are associated with gender inequality. However, as languages are embedded in cultures, evidence for causal effects are harder to provide. We contribute to this ongoing debate by exploring the relationship between gendered languages and the gender gap in mathematics achievements. We provide evidence for causality by exploiting the prominent (but not exclusive) practice in gendered languages of using masculine generics to address women. In an experiment on a large representative sample of the Hebrew-speaking adult population in Israel, we show that addressing women in the feminine, compared to addressing them in the masculine, reduces the gender gap in mathematics achievements by a third. These effects are stronger among participants who acquired the Hebrew language early in childhood rather than later in life, suggesting that it is the extent of language proficiency that generates one’s sensitivity to being addressed in the masculine or in the feminine. Moreover, when women are addressed in the masculine, their efforts (in terms of time spent on the maths test) decrease and they report feeling that “science is for men” more than when addressed in the feminine. We supplement the analysis with two experiments that explore the roles of general and task-specific stereotypes in generating these effects.


Elenchos ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 151-177
Author(s):  
Michael Schramm

Abstract This paper argues that Synesios’ De regno is a mirror for princes and a splendid example of Neoplatonic political philosophy. It is based on Plato’s Politeia and its model of philosopher-kingship. Synesios makes his audience compare the current political reality with the ideal of the philosopher-kings, who are the image of the transcendent god in the political realm. In doing so he recommends political virtue in general, especially phronesis and sophrosyne. Particularly he argues for reforming the recruitment of military and civil officials with reference to Plato’s concept of friendship in the Politeia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062097802
Author(s):  
Todd K. Hartman ◽  
Thomas V. A. Stocks ◽  
Ryan McKay ◽  
Jilly Gibson-Miller ◽  
Liat Levita ◽  
...  

Research has demonstrated that situational factors such as perceived threats to the social order activate latent authoritarianism. The deadly COVID-19 pandemic presents a rare opportunity to test whether existential threat stemming from an indiscriminate virus moderates the relationship between authoritarianism and political attitudes toward the nation and out-groups. Using data from two large nationally representative samples of adults in the United Kingdom ( N = 2,025) and Republic of Ireland ( N = 1,041) collected during the initial phases of strict lockdown measures in both countries, we find that the associations between right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and (1) nationalism and (2) anti-immigrant attitudes are conditional on levels of perceived threat. As anxiety about the COVID-19 pandemic increases, so too does the effect of RWA on those political outcomes. Thus, it appears that existential threats to humanity from the COVID-19 pandemic moderate expressions of authoritarianism in society.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-407
Author(s):  
Mladen Lazić ◽  
Jelena Pešić

AbstractBased on research data from 2003, 2012, and 2018, the authors examine the extent to which capitalist social relations in Serbia have determined liberal value orientations. The change of the social order in Serbia after 1990 brought about a radical change of the basis upon which values are constituted. To interpret the relationship between structural and value changes, the authors employ the theory of normative-value dissonance. Special attention in the analysis is paid to the interpretation of value changes based on the distinction between intra- and inter-systemic normative-value dissonance. In the first part of their study, the authors examine changes in the acceptance of liberal values over the period of consolidation of capitalism in Serbia, while in the second part they focus on the 2018 data and specific predictors of political and economic liberalism.


Sociology ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-103 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Frisk

The article discusses four dominant perspectives in the sociology of heroism: the study of great men; hero stories; heroic actions; and hero institutions. The discussion ties together heroism and fundamental sociological debates about the relationship between the individual and the social order; it elucidates the socio-psychological, cultural/ideational and socio-political structuring of heroism, which challenges the tendency to understand people, actions and events as naturally, or intrinsically, heroic; and it points to a theoretical trajectory within the literature, which has moved from very exclusive to more inclusive conceptualisations of a hero. After this discussion, the article examines three problematic areas in the sociology of heroism: the underlying masculine character of heroism; the presumed disappearance of the hero with modernisation; and the principal idea of heroism as a pro-social phenomenon. The article calls for a more self-conscious engagement with this legacy, which could stimulate dialogue across different areas of sociological research.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 747-761 ◽  
Author(s):  
Werner Bonefeld

The contribution examines the market liberal veracity of Hayek’s view that a dictatorship may be more liberal in its policies than an unlimited democratic assembly. Hayek’s warning about the potentially illiberal character of democratic government is key to the German ordoliberal thinking that emerged in the context of the crisis of the Weimar Republic. The ordoliberal thinkers were keenly aware of Schmitt’s political theology and argued with him that the state is the predominant power in the relationship between market and state, conceiving of this relationship as free economy and strong state. They maintained that the establishment of social order is the precondition of free economy; law does not apply to disorder and does not create order. The liberal state is the ‘concentrated force’ of that order. The contribution argues that ordoliberalism is best characterized as an authoritarian liberalism and assesses its contemporary veracity in relation to the European Union.


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