Education as a Cleavage

Author(s):  
Mark Bovens ◽  
Anchrit Wille

Cleavage formation in the nineteenth and twentieth century was based on religion and class. To what extent can we observe an emerging social and political cleavage along educational lines across Europe in the twenty-first century? We use a broad notion of cleavage and look at educational patterns of segmentation, stratification, and segregation; differences in political preferences; and to what extent these educational differences are reflected in the political landscape. We construct an index of cleavage formation that aims to measure to what extent the various differences along educational lines are merging. The degree to which the contours of this new divide have been crystallized is stronger in western and northern countries than elsewhere in Europe. This analysis forms the basis of our selection of six West European countries: the Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, France, and the UK.

Author(s):  
Peter Hoare

In many countries, including the UK, proposals are currently being made for the extension of legal deposit to electronic and other non-print material. Some countries such as Switzerland and the Netherlands have no national legal deposit legislation, though voluntary deposit works well in the latter. Norway has the most advanced legislation, requiring the deposit of all lands of media. In few countries is any range of material actively handled, and a very few deal with online publications. There is scope for international coordination of proposals through such bodies as CDNL, CENL, IFLA and UNESCO. The aim of totally comprehensive collecting of all published material may be accepted as unrealistic, and some selectively is likely to be necessary. The current situation with regard to deposit of non-print material in 11 west European countries, Australia, Canada and the USA is recounted.


Author(s):  
R T P Jansen ◽  
D G Bullock ◽  
A Vassault ◽  
H Baadenhuijsen ◽  
A De Leenheer ◽  
...  

Two lyophilized control sera were distributed through seven national external quality assessment schemes in six European countries—Belgium, Switzerland, France, The Netherlands, Sweden and the United Kingdom—participated in the study. The results for 17 routine analytes were obtained from almost 5000 laboratories for the two sera. The organizers of the schemes were asked to process the results according to a common outlier removal procedure, and submit method-related data if available. The two sera were also distributed through the external/internal scheme of The Netherlands, and the within-laboratory standard deviations calculated in this scheme have been used in a scaling procedure for the external mean values and between-laboratory standard deviations of the participating countries. The results show remarkable agreement in the national mean values for practically all analytes, but considerable differences in the between-laboratory variation. Data from comparable method groups was obtained for 12 analytes from Belgium, France, The Netherlands and the UK. Though revealing some specific differences between methods and countries, the method-related data are generally in agreement with the all-method data. In this study reference method values were only available for cholesterol. The high degree of agreement found suggests, however, that mutual recognition of all-method mean values in national schemes could be acceptable, especially for analytes for which reliable reference methods are not available. The major element of variation is between-laboratory rather than between-country.


Author(s):  
Richard Susskind

What mutton-headed, technologically myopic luddite said this? I confess that these are my own words, as they appeared in 1986 in the Modern Law Review. Although this was comfortably more than thirty years ago, I can recall quite vividly what was going through my head (for want of a better term) when I wrote that passage. Today, I disagree with much that I said then. Emotionally, I no longer have any sense of horror in contemplating the possibility that judges might roundly be outperformed by machines. Technically, the passage of time has put me out of date. Computers often can (in some constrained circumstances) satisfactorily process speech and natural language. I also failed (along with most computer scientists) to predict that many of the remarkable advances in computing would come not through explicitly programming systems (whether, for example, to exhibit political preferences or creativity) but through machines ‘learning’ from vast sets of accumulated data. Morally, when I spoke of the values of western liberal democracy, I was reflecting the mood of the late twentieth century. As technology advances, it transpires, as Jamie Susskind explains in Future Politics, that our political conceptions change too. Liberal democracy in the twenty-first century may be significantly different from its ancestor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Celia E. Schultz

This chapter sets the stage by sketching the political landscape of Rome in the mid-first century BCE and laying out what can be known of Fulvia’s family. Attention is paid to the deepening divisions within Roman politics (equestrians vs. the senate, optimates vs. populists) and the formation of the so-called First Triumvirate. The chapter considers the possibility that Fulvia’s mother, Sempronia, is to be identified with the Catilinarian conspirator of the same name, and it addresses the question of whether Fulvia’s image appears on several Roman coins. The chapter describes what life was like for a young girl in an aristocratic Roman household and how Fulvia’s first marriage likely came about.


Author(s):  
Laura Robson

This chapter introduces the main question of the book: how did mass violence come to be a primary—perhaps the primary—mode of making political claims in the twentieth and twenty-first century Middle East? It asks when mass violence became a constitutive aspect of the political landscape of the region, why it took precedence over other strategies of state building and establishing political authority, and how governments, armies, and civilians alike came to think of mass violence as a viable and legitimate mode of claiming political space and national rights. Drawing on several different and largely separate historiographies, this introduction argues, makes it possible to produce a synthetic account of violence in the twentieth century Eastern Mediterranean that takes account of regional developments as much as individual national histories.


2020 ◽  
pp. 22-42
Author(s):  
Constantine Michalopoulos

The story of Eveline Herfkens, Hilde F. Johnson, Clare Short and Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, all of whom, with different titles became ministers in charge of development cooperation in the Netherlands, Norway, the UK, and Germany in 1997–8, and what they did together to bridge the gap between rhetoric and reality in the war against global poverty, starts with a short discussion of their background. This is followed by a discussion of the political situation and the different government arrangements that determined development policy in their countries at the time. The last part of the chapter reviews the beginnings of their collaboration which focused on ensuring that the debt relief provided to highly indebted poor countries (HIPCs) in programmes supported by the World Bank and the IMF resulted in actually lifting people out of poverty.


Author(s):  
Margaret Arnott ◽  
Richard Kelly

This chapter discusses the role of smaller parties in the law-making process. General elections in the UK are conducted with an electoral system which militates against the representation of smaller political parties, particularly those having no strong support at the regional level. However, events at Westminster over the last decade have increased the prominence of smaller parties in the operation of parliamentary business. The chapter first considers the role of small parties in the UK Parliament, committees and legislation, as well as their participation in backbench debates before examining how the political and electoral context of Parliament, especially in the twenty-first century, has affected the representation of smaller parties and the ways in which reforms to parliamentary procedure since the 1980s have enhanced the role of the second opposition party. It suggests that Parliament today offers more opportunities for smaller political parties to influence debate and policy, but this remains quite limited.


2003 ◽  
Vol 89 (S1) ◽  
pp. S25-S30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Agnes J. van Erp-Baart ◽  
Henny A. M. Brants ◽  
Mairead Kiely ◽  
Angela Mulligan ◽  
Aida Turrini ◽  
...  

The aim of this study was to identify the level of isoflavone intake (total isoflavones, daidzein and genistein) in four European countries: Ireland, Italy, The Netherlands and the UK. For this purpose national food composition databases of isoflavone content were created in a comparable way, using the Vegetal Estrogens in Nutrition and the Skeleton (VENUS) analytical data base as a common basis, and appropriate food consumption data were selected. The isoflavone intake in Ireland, Italy, The Netherlands and the UK is on average less than 1 mg/d. Small groups of consumers of soya foods could be identified in Ireland, The Netherlands and the UK. The estimated intake levels are low compared with those found in typical Asian diets (∼20–100 mg/d) and also low compared with levels where physiological effects are expected (60–100 mg/d). The results (including a subgroup analysis of soya product consumers) showed that such levels are difficult to achieve with the European diets studied here.


2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janneke Plantenga ◽  
Chantal Remery

This article explores the organisation of work and working times in IT. It builds on case-studies in five European countries: Denmark, Germany, Finland, the Netherlands and the UK. At first glance, the organisation of work and working time seems quite traditional: a full-time permanent contract is still the standard. Yet, new forms of employment do occur. Relevant factors in this respect are the nature of the service provided, the nature of the workforce and flexibility requirements.


2013 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcel Hoogenboom

AbstractIn the early twentieth century, like many of their European counterparts, labour unions in the Netherlands established mutual unemployment insurance funds for their members. Various funds made agreements with labour unions in a number of European countries to recognize each other's insurance schemes, enabling union members to work in the Netherlands without losing their entitlement to benefits accumulated in their home countries, and vice versa. Whereas up until the 1930s some of the alliances between Dutch and foreign funds had flourished, in the 1930s the number of non-Dutch workers in the Netherlands making use of such agreements decreased drastically. This article analyses those transnational alliances and explores various causes for their demise, concluding that in the 1930s formal regulation of foreign labour by the Dutch government substantially reduced the number of potential foreign members of insurance funds while government interference in unemployment insurance abroad, and especially in Germany, made the transnational agreements effectively void.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document