Marx’s Social Republic

2020 ◽  
pp. 172-194
Author(s):  
Bruno Leipold
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Standing Army ◽  
Popular Control

This chapter explores how Marx’s conception of the political institutions of socialism (the social republic) was inherited from the radical elements of the republican tradition. I explore three dimensions of this inheritance. First, I discuss his support for replacing the institutions of representative government with a form of popular delegacy, where representatives are constrained by imperative mandates, the right to recall, and short terms of office. Second, I explain why Marx criticized the separation of powers and preferred legislative supremacy over the executive. Third, I discuss Marx’s belief in the necessity of placing the state’s administrative and repressive functions under popular control, by transforming the standing army into a civic militia and making the bureaucracy elected, accountable, and deprofessionalized.

The United States and Canada

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Incremental Change ◽  
Institutional Differences

This edited volume compares the political systems of the United States and Canada, focusing on the effects of political institutions, and their interaction with political values and other factors, in policymaking. It explores the differences between the American presidential (or separation-of-powers) system and the Canadian parliamentary system. It also considers institutional differences such as federalism, bureaucratic leadership, and judicial definitions of citizens’ rights. It deals mainly with the period from the mid-20th century to the present but also discusses recent developments—especially the Trump presidency. The first section addresses political culture and institutions and considers political values, party and electoral systems, executive leadership and the legislative process, bureaucracy and civil service influence, and federalism. The second section addresses policymaking and outcomes, including economic policy, environmental policy, morality issues, social policy, managing diversity, and selected societal outcomes. The conclusion discusses prospects and challenges for both political systems and finds that policy differences between the two countries have diverse causes—from geography and demography, to political values, to institutional structures. The effects of institutions are often crucial, but they depend heavily on interactions with other political circumstances. Even modest, incremental change in the electoral strength or ideological tendencies of the political parties can transform institutional performance. Thus, Canada’s historic center-left moderation may be on the brink of giving way to wider ideological fluctuation and the U.S. political system was increasingly dysfunctional, even before the election of Donald Trump as president led to chaos in policymaking and the threat of severe constitutional crisis.

scholarly journals Reform and Political Impunity in Kenya: Transparency without Accountability

2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mwangi wa Gīthīnji ◽  
Frank Holmquist
Keyword(s):  
Collective Identity ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
History Of

Abstract:Kenya has been going through a period of political reform since 1991, when section 2A of the constitution, which had made Kenya a de jure one-party state, was repealed. This reform followed a prolonged struggle on the part of citizens both inside and outside the country, and their call for democracy was one that, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, was embraced by Western countries. Via diplomatic pressure and conditionality on aid, Western donors played an important role in the repeal of section 2A, the return of multiparty elections, and the creation and reform of a number of political institutions and offices via a separation of powers. But although these changes were supported by the political opposition and much of civil society in Kenya, they did not rise organically from the national struggle over political power. Nor did these reforms lead to a determination in the country to hold the political elite accountable for their transgressions. This article argues that modern Kenya's history of economic and political inequality has resulted in a population whose very divisions make it difficult for politicians to be disciplined. Accountability has two dimensions: the horizontal accountability among branches of government that is assured by checks and balances, and the vertical accountability of the state to its citizens. Vertical accountability depends on a constituency of like-minded citizens defending broad national interests, or an electorate with a collective identity or set of identities attached to the Kenyan nation. But in the absence of such shared goals and demands, narrow personal and local interests prevail, and politicians remain unaccountable to the nation as a whole.

scholarly journals A questão prioritária de constitucionalidade do direito francês

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
Lívia Da Silva Ferreira
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
A Posteriori ◽  
French Law ◽  
Legal Provision ◽  
The Right

<p class="Standard"><strong>RESUMO:</strong></p><p class="Standard"><strong></strong> O modelo francês serviu por anos como único exemplo no qual o controle de constitucionalidade era realizado de maneira preventiva. Em 2008 foi aprovada uma Lei Constitucional com o intuito de modernizar as instituições políticas da França, na qual estava incluída a criação do controle de constitucionalidade <em>a posteriori</em>, que mais tarde foi chamado de Questão Prioritária de Constitucionalidade - QPC. Esse mecanismo tem com principal objetivo conferir aos particulares a prerrogativa de contestar a constitucionalidade de um dispositivo legal que julguem ser violador de seus direitos e liberdades garantidos constitucionalmente. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo efetuar uma breve análise dos fatores que antecederam e influenciaram a reforma supracitada, além apontar consequências e dos efeitos gerados pela criação da QPC no direito francês.</p><p class="Standard" align="left"> </p><p class="Standard"><strong>ABSTRACT:</strong></p><p class="Standard"><strong> </strong>The French system of judicial review is very specific and for years was used as an example of the only system in which the compatibility exam between laws and the Constitution was performed preventively. In 2008 a constitutional amendment was approved in attempt to modernize the political institutions of France. One of its modernizing measures was the judicial review <em>a posteriori</em>, that later was called Priority Question of Constitutionality or priority preliminary rulings on the issue of constitutionality – QPC. This mechanism aims to confer on individuals the right to challenge the constitutionality of a legal provision they deem to be violating their constitutionally guaranteed rights and freedoms. The main goal of this essay is examine the factors that preceded and influenced this reform and the effects and consequences caused by QPC in French Law.</p><p class="Standard"><strong> </strong></p>

scholarly journals POLITICS AND LEADERSHIP FATIGUE IN AFRICA. A THEORETICAL APPRAISAL.

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1139-1145
Author(s):  
Christian Akani
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Human Development ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Analytical Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Inclusive Governance ◽  
The Right

Colonialism cannot be forgotten in Africa because of the disorientation and dissonance it enforced. This scenario paved way  for unbridled expropriation  of human and material resources. But, by the beginning of the 1940s African  nationalists  rejected the colonial political economy, and  demanded for self governance.  The aftermath of their demand engendered a wind of change which swept most African states to statehood in the 1960s. Regrettably, five decades after independence, the continent is still experiencing a free fall  in all human development sectors. Those who inherited political power, rather than ensuring inclusive governance have imposed pain and terror on their people . With an analytical , method the paper argues that politics is squarely responsible for the leadership fatigue in the continent. It concludes that for Africa to have the right leaders they desire, the political institutions must guarantee popular participation.

scholarly journals Democratic backsliding as a threat of a return to authoritarianism

2021 ◽  
pp. 170-185
Author(s):  
Oleg Tkach ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Stability ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Right

The article considers the problems of threats to the collapse of democracy, when the components of democracy are at risk. Examples of the collapse of democracy have shown the lack of free and fair elections, which threatens the independence of the judiciary, the restriction of the right to freedom of speech, and the political opposition’s ability to challenge the government, prosecute and offer alternatives to the regime. The government poses a threat to national security in order to create a „sense of crisis” that allows the government to „denigrate critics as pro-government or unpatriotic” and portray defenders of democratic institutions as „representatives of a tired, isolated elite”. With this in mind, the purpose of the study was determined – to systematize the factors of the collapse of democracy. In order to achieve this goal, the criteria of approaches to the analysis of the problems of coagulation of democracy were analyzed and systematized. As a result, the factors of the collapse of democracy include: the weakening of political institutions, violations of individual rights and freedom of thought, which call into question the efficiency and stability of democratic systems. It is established that the problematic aspects are the level of inequality, differences in identity; democratization through bottom-up peaceful protests has led to a higher level of democracy and democratic stability than democratization caused by elites; constitutions resulting from pluralism (reflecting different segments of society) are more likely to promote liberal democracy (at least in the short term); that the threat of civil conflict encourages regimes to make democratic concessions; development in a democratic direction requires collective security; the process of democratization can occur by chance, as it depends on unique characteristics and circumstances; correlation of democratization with democratization of knowledge as the spread of the ability to create and legitimize knowledge among citizens, in contrast to knowledge under the control of elite groups; correlation with the effect of democratization of design. Key words : democracy, democratic backsliding, political regime, democratization, political crisis.

scholarly journals Legitimidade democrática e Estado de Direito sob a perspectiva republicana de Philip Pettit [Democratic Legitimacy and the Rule of Law under the Republican perspective of Philip Pettit]

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (47) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Alberto Paulo Neto
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Philip Pettit ◽  
The Right ◽  
Popular Control

A legitimidade política representa a relação adequada entre o Estado de Direito e os cidadãos. A ordem estatal expressa as suas determinações e sua exigência de obrigação por meio da legislação. Os cidadãos avaliam se o “império da lei” não se constitui em restrição ao status social de livres e não-dominados. A teoria política republicana de Philip Pettit propicia os instrumentos avaliativos da atuação da ordem política segundo o critério da legitimidade. Os cidadãos republicanos devem possuir o controle popular para a garantia da aceitação da ordem política legítima. O controle popular tem as características de individualidade, incondicionalidade e eficácia. Os participantes da vida política avaliam as determinações políticas com referência ao “teste de sorte bruta”. Este possibilita inquirir se as decisões políticas têm aceitabilidade racional e não se estabeleceram de forma arbitrária. A liberdade republicana é o fundamento e a bússola da ação dos cidadãos e da estrutura normativa das instituições políticas.[Political legitimacy represents the right relationship between the Rule of Law and citizens. The State order expresses its determinations and its requirement of obligation through the legislation. Citizens assess whether the "Rule of Law" does not constitute a restriction on the social status of the free and non-dominated. Philip Pettit's republican political theory propitiates the evaluation instruments of the political order according to the criterion of legitimacy. Republican citizens must have popular control to ensure the acceptance of legitimate political order. Popular control has the characteristics of individuality, unconditionality and effectiveness. Participants in political life evaluate political determinations with reference to the "tough luck test". This makes it possible to inquire whether political decisions have rational acceptability and are not established arbitrarily. Republican freedom is the foundation and compass of citizens' action and the normative framework of political institutions.]

scholarly journals The Punjab Schools Reform Roadmap: A Medium-Term Evaluation

2020 ◽  
pp. 109-128
Author(s):  
Rastee Chaudhry ◽  
Abdullah Waqar Tajwar
Keyword(s):  
Three Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
System Reform ◽  
Teacher Capacity ◽  
Right To Education ◽  
Management Capacity ◽  
Term Evaluation ◽  
Education Act ◽  
The Right

Abstract In 2010, a whole-system reform was designed and launched in the Punjab province of Pakistan called the Punjab Schools Reform Roadmap (PSRR). This reform was a direct response to the challenges of education in the province at the time, which included scale, capacity to deliver, and political will. Further, 2010 was a time at which the political and administrative landscape of Pakistan was changing: the right to education act had just been formalized and education was simultaneously devolved from a federal matter to a provincial one. This chapter studies the outcomes of the PSRR a decade after its implementation with an emphasis on three dimensions of the reform: management capacity, teacher capacity and monitoring & information systems. Specifically, we discuss the above with reference to increasing access to and quality of education in the province while also analyzing the outcomes and sustainability of the reform 10 years from its inception.

scholarly journals The Resurgence of the Radical Right in European Policy

2020 ◽  
pp. 182-192
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shaparov ◽  
◽  
Ekaterina Sin'kova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
The Right

This article analyzed the rise of far-right political parties and movements in the most developed European countries - Germany, France, Sweden, Austria, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway as well as in the Visegrád Group. The current direction of the political and social development of those major European states shows great resemblance to the 1980s. The political framework is defined by escalating disappointment in social and governmental institutions, growing political fragmentation and increasing complexity of political communications. Under such circumstances radical right parties firmly secured their presence in the national parliaments and enhanced it over the last decade. Alongside their electoral success on the supranational level, it indicates significant alterations in the European political landscape. A new reality is being built while the right radicalism strives to demarginalize itself with its high adaptivity to the essential political institutions. The article analyzed causes and consequences of the ongoing changes. It suggested a new angle to assess the present radical right’s policy effects. Proceeding from the neoinstitutional approach it provided an insight into the key assumptions of radical right, far-right contagion and institutional isomorphism, while outlining the electoral dynamics and distribution of the radical right parties and assembling the concepts of their classification.

scholarly journals Land and Power: Theory and Evidence from Chile

2008 ◽  
Vol 98 (5) ◽  
pp. 1737-1765 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Marie Baland ◽  
James A Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Power Theory ◽  
Employment Relationships ◽  
Secret Ballot ◽  
Client Relationships ◽  
The Right

Many employment relationships concede rents to workers. Depending on the political institutions, the presence of such rents allows employers to use the threat of withdrawing them to control their workers' political behavior, such as their votes in the absence of secret ballot. We examine the effects of the introduction of the secret ballot in Chile in 1958 on voting behavior. Before the reforms, localities with more pervasive patron-client relationships tended to exhibit a much stronger support for the right-wing parties, traditionally associated with the landed oligarchy. After the reform, however, this difference across localities completely disappeared. (JEL D72, N46, O13, O15, O17)

scholarly journals Democracy without political parties: the case of ancient Athens

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 983-998
Author(s):  
George Tridimas
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Majority Voting ◽  
The Political ◽  
Simple Majority ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Ancient Athens ◽  
The Right

AbstractPolitical parties, formal, durable and mass organizations that inform voters on public policy issues, nominate candidates for office and fight elections for the right to govern, are ubiquitous in modern representative democracies but were absent from the direct participatory democracy of ancient Athens. The paper investigates how the political institutions of Athens may explain their absence. The arguments explored include voter homogeneity; the conditions at the start of the democracy, characterized by single constituency configuration of the demos, simple majority voting and lack of organized groups; the irrelevance of holding public office for determining public policy; appointment to public posts through sortition; and voting on single-dimension issues. The paper then discusses how in the absence of parties voters became informed and how political leaders were held accountable by the courts.

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