scholarly journals A questão prioritária de constitucionalidade do direito francês

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
Lívia Da Silva Ferreira
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
A Posteriori ◽  
French Law ◽  
Legal Provision ◽  
The Right

<p class="Standard"><strong>RESUMO:</strong></p><p class="Standard"><strong></strong> O modelo francês serviu por anos como único exemplo no qual o controle de constitucionalidade era realizado de maneira preventiva. Em 2008 foi aprovada uma Lei Constitucional com o intuito de modernizar as instituições políticas da França, na qual estava incluída a criação do controle de constitucionalidade <em>a posteriori</em>, que mais tarde foi chamado de Questão Prioritária de Constitucionalidade - QPC. Esse mecanismo tem com principal objetivo conferir aos particulares a prerrogativa de contestar a constitucionalidade de um dispositivo legal que julguem ser violador de seus direitos e liberdades garantidos constitucionalmente. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo efetuar uma breve análise dos fatores que antecederam e influenciaram a reforma supracitada, além apontar consequências e dos efeitos gerados pela criação da QPC no direito francês.</p><p class="Standard" align="left"> </p><p class="Standard"><strong>ABSTRACT:</strong></p><p class="Standard"><strong> </strong>The French system of judicial review is very specific and for years was used as an example of the only system in which the compatibility exam between laws and the Constitution was performed preventively. In 2008 a constitutional amendment was approved in attempt to modernize the political institutions of France. One of its modernizing measures was the judicial review <em>a posteriori</em>, that later was called Priority Question of Constitutionality or priority preliminary rulings on the issue of constitutionality – QPC. This mechanism aims to confer on individuals the right to challenge the constitutionality of a legal provision they deem to be violating their constitutionally guaranteed rights and freedoms. The main goal of this essay is examine the factors that preceded and influenced this reform and the effects and consequences caused by QPC in French Law.</p><p class="Standard"><strong> </strong></p>

scholarly journals Tribunal Constitucional y proceso secesionista catalán: respuestas jurídico-constitucionales a un conflicto político-constitucional

2016 ◽  
pp. 561 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josep M.ª Castellá Andreu
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Title V ◽  
Participatory Process ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Spanish Constitution ◽  
The Right

En este estudio se pasa revista a las cinco sentencias dictadas por el Tribunal Constitucional entre 2014 y 2015 en relación con el proceso secesionista iniciado en Cataluña en 2012. Buena parte de las impugnaciones siguen el procedimiento del artículo 161 CE y Título V LOTC y versan unas sobre la constitucionalidad de dos resoluciones aprobadas por el Parlamento de Cataluña en las que se plantea el derecho a decidir, el carácter soberano del pueblo de Cataluña y el inicio del proceso político y de un proceso constituyente, y las otras sobre la regulación y aplicación de los instrumentos para llevar a cabo el proceso secesionista seguido hasta ahora: una llamada consulta popular no referendaria y un proceso de participación ciudadana. Las sentencias advierten contradicciones con la Constitución de las normas y actos impugnados tanto de carácter sustantivo como de orden competencial. Para el Tribunal la reforma constitucional es ineludible a la hora de afrontar el proceso secesionista con respeto al ordenamiento jurídico. Se concluye que el Tribunal en las diferentes sentencias emitidas otorga distinta relevancia a las exigencias de la democracia pluralista y a las de la democracia constitucional.The essay deals with the five rulings dictated by the Constitutional Court in 2014-15 in relation with the secessionist process started in Catalonia in 2012. Most of the cases follow the procedure of section 161.2 Spanish Constitution and Title V of the Organic Law of the Constitutional Court. They are focused on i) the constitutionality of two resolutions passed by the Catalan Parliament on the right to decide, the sovereignty of Catalan people and the beginning of the political and constituent processes and ii) the regulation and exercise of the instruments to reach the secessionist process followed until now: a so-called popular consultation without referendum and a participatory process. The rulings take into account the contradiction of the norms and acts contested with the Constitution, in both substantive and allocation of powers perspectives. For the Court the constitutional amendment is ineluctable to confront the secessionist process. We conclude that the Constitutional Court assumes in the different rulings differently the obligations of a pluralist and of a constitutional democracy.

scholarly journals POLITICS AND LEADERSHIP FATIGUE IN AFRICA. A THEORETICAL APPRAISAL.

2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1139-1145
Author(s):  
Christian Akani
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Human Development ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Analytical Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Participation ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Inclusive Governance ◽  
The Right

Colonialism cannot be forgotten in Africa because of the disorientation and dissonance it enforced. This scenario paved way  for unbridled expropriation  of human and material resources. But, by the beginning of the 1940s African  nationalists  rejected the colonial political economy, and  demanded for self governance.  The aftermath of their demand engendered a wind of change which swept most African states to statehood in the 1960s. Regrettably, five decades after independence, the continent is still experiencing a free fall  in all human development sectors. Those who inherited political power, rather than ensuring inclusive governance have imposed pain and terror on their people . With an analytical , method the paper argues that politics is squarely responsible for the leadership fatigue in the continent. It concludes that for Africa to have the right leaders they desire, the political institutions must guarantee popular participation.

scholarly journals Tinjauan Yuridis Putusan Constitutional Review Mahkamah Konstitusi Tentang Hak Mantan Narapidana Untuk Menjadi Pejabat Publik Yang Dipilih

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nanang Nur Wahyudi ◽  
Nynda Fatmawati Octarina
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Universal Declaration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right

Hak Politik dilindungi hukum, baik secara internasional maupun nsional. secara internasional, hak politik diatur Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) dan International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). hak politik juga dilindungi konsitusi kita dan beberapa peraturan Perundang-Undangan lainnya, serutama Undang-Undang no 39 tahun 1999 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Adanya ketentuan yang merupakan syarat untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan yang jelas membatasi bahkan meniadakan hak seseorang untuk ikut serta dalam menggunakan hak azasinya. Hal ini jelas merupakan pelanggaran terhadap hak azasi seseorang, yang dalam hal ini hak politik yang dimiliki oleh seorang mantan narapidana khususnya pada kasus korupsi. Apabila kita mencermati ketentuan UUD 1945, maka seorang mantan narapidana juga sebagai warga negara yang memiliki hak politik yang sama dengan warga negara lainnya. Hak Uji materiel terhadap peraturan yang  bertentangan dengan Undang-Undang Dasar 1945, maka kewenangan hak menguji ada pada Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK). Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi memberi kepastian hukum bahwa seorang mantan Narapidana kasus korupsi masih diperbolehkan untuk mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah karena mantan narapidana masih memiliki hak politik sebagai warga negara. Untuk dapat mencalonkan diri pada pemilihan kepala daerah, maka mantan narapidana setelah melewati masa 5 (lima) tahun  selesai menjalani masa hukuman dan telah kembali kepada kehidupan masyarakat sebagaimana kehidupan masyarakat lainnya. Menghormati hak politik mantan narapidana kasus korupsi sebagai pengakuan terhadap hak azasi manusia dalam negara Republik Indonesia yang merupakan hak konstitusional yang diatur dalam UUD Tahun 1945. Kata Kunci : Narapidana, Judisial Review, Hak, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi ABSTRACTPolitical rights are protected by law, both internationally and nationally. Internationally, political rights are regulated by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Political rights are also protected by our constitution and several other laws and regulations, especially Law No. 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights. There is a provision which is a requirement to run for election which clearly limits and even negates a person's right to participate in exercising their human rights. This is clearly a violation of a person's human rights, which in this case the political rights of an ex-convict, especially in cases of corruption. If we look at the provisions of the 1945 Constitution, an ex-convict is also a citizen who has the same political rights as other citizens. The right to judicial review of regulations that are contrary to the 1945 Constitution, the authority of the right to examine lies with the Constitutional Court (MK). The Constitutional Court's decision provides legal certainty that a former convict in a corruption case is still allowed to run for regional head elections because ex-convicts still have political rights as citizens. To be able to run for regional head elections, ex-convicts after passing through a period of 5 (five) years have finished serving their sentence and have returned to community life as other people's lives. Respect the political rights of ex-convicts of corruption cases as an acknowledgment of human rights in the Republic of Indonesia which are constitutional rights regulated in the 1945 Constitution. Keywords: Prisoners, Judicial Review, Rights, Constitutional Court Decisions

scholarly journals Democratic backsliding as a threat of a return to authoritarianism

2021 ◽  
pp. 170-185
Author(s):  
Oleg Tkach ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The Government ◽  
Democratic Stability ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Right

The article considers the problems of threats to the collapse of democracy, when the components of democracy are at risk. Examples of the collapse of democracy have shown the lack of free and fair elections, which threatens the independence of the judiciary, the restriction of the right to freedom of speech, and the political opposition’s ability to challenge the government, prosecute and offer alternatives to the regime. The government poses a threat to national security in order to create a „sense of crisis” that allows the government to „denigrate critics as pro-government or unpatriotic” and portray defenders of democratic institutions as „representatives of a tired, isolated elite”. With this in mind, the purpose of the study was determined – to systematize the factors of the collapse of democracy. In order to achieve this goal, the criteria of approaches to the analysis of the problems of coagulation of democracy were analyzed and systematized. As a result, the factors of the collapse of democracy include: the weakening of political institutions, violations of individual rights and freedom of thought, which call into question the efficiency and stability of democratic systems. It is established that the problematic aspects are the level of inequality, differences in identity; democratization through bottom-up peaceful protests has led to a higher level of democracy and democratic stability than democratization caused by elites; constitutions resulting from pluralism (reflecting different segments of society) are more likely to promote liberal democracy (at least in the short term); that the threat of civil conflict encourages regimes to make democratic concessions; development in a democratic direction requires collective security; the process of democratization can occur by chance, as it depends on unique characteristics and circumstances; correlation of democratization with democratization of knowledge as the spread of the ability to create and legitimize knowledge among citizens, in contrast to knowledge under the control of elite groups; correlation with the effect of democratization of design. Key words : democracy, democratic backsliding, political regime, democratization, political crisis.

scholarly journals Hak Mantan Narapidana untuk Turut Serta dalam Pemerintahan

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Noer Sida
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Sexual Crimes ◽  
Commission Regulation ◽  
The Right ◽  
Election Commission ◽  
Democratic Country

AbstractThe general election is a means of implementing the people's sovereignty to elect people who will occupy the seat of government. This general election was held to realize a democratic country, where the leaders were chosen based on the majority of votes. Countries that adhere to democracy generally accommodate the political rights of their citizens in an election, whether they are direct or indirect. Basically everyone has the right to participate in government in other words everyone has the right to be elected or elected. Regarding to Election Commission Regulation Number 20 Year 2018 regarding the Nomination of Members of The House Representatives, Assembly at Provincial and Assembly at Regional, there is one requirement for legislative candidate became controversial because there is a prohibition on ex-prisoners of corruption, drugs (as a dealer), and sexual crimes against children to be the Nomination of Members of The House Representatives, Assembly at Provincial and Assembly at Regional. Some ex-convicts already did judicial review, therefore we need to understand the legality of the regulation for ex-convicts regarding to election.Key Words: Human Rights, Right to Participate in Government, Ex-convictAbstrakPemilihan umum adalah adalah sarana pelaksanaan kedaulatan rakyat untuk memilih orang-orang yang akan menduduki kursi pemerintahan. Pemilihan umum ini diadakan untuk mewujudkan negara yang demokrasi, di mana para pemimpinnya dipilih berdasarkan suara mayoritas terbanyak. Negara-negara yang menganut demokrasi, pada umumnya mengakomodir hak politik warga negaranya dalam suatu penyelenggaraan pemilihan umum, baik itu bersifat langsung maupun tidak langsung. Pada dasarnya setiap orang memiliki hak untuk berpartisipasi dalam pemerintahan dengan kata lain setiap orang memiliki hak untuk dipilih maupun memilih. Peraturan KPU Nomor 20 Tahun 2018 tentang Pencalonan Anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota memberikan batasan satu syarat bagi calon anggota legislatif yang menjadi kontroversi karena adanya larangan bagi mantan narapidana  korupsi, narkoba (sebagai bandar), dan kejahatan seksual terhadap anak untuk mencalonkan diri sebagai anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota. Beberapa pihak yang merasa dirugikan oleh peraturan tersebut mengajukan judicial review, oleh karena itu, patut dikaji bagaimana legalitas hak yang dimiliki oleh mantan narapidana dalam pemilihan umum.Kata Kunci: Hak Asasi Manusia, Hak untuk Turut Serta dalam Pemerintahan, Mantan Narapidana.

Marx’s Social Republic

2020 ◽  
pp. 172-194
Author(s):  
Bruno Leipold
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Standing Army ◽  
Popular Control

This chapter explores how Marx’s conception of the political institutions of socialism (the social republic) was inherited from the radical elements of the republican tradition. I explore three dimensions of this inheritance. First, I discuss his support for replacing the institutions of representative government with a form of popular delegacy, where representatives are constrained by imperative mandates, the right to recall, and short terms of office. Second, I explain why Marx criticized the separation of powers and preferred legislative supremacy over the executive. Third, I discuss Marx’s belief in the necessity of placing the state’s administrative and repressive functions under popular control, by transforming the standing army into a civic militia and making the bureaucracy elected, accountable, and deprofessionalized.

Presidential Term Limits in Nicaragua

2019 ◽  
pp. 159-178
Author(s):  
David Close
Keyword(s):  
Term Limits ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Government ◽  
Underlying Factor ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽  
The Right ◽  
Personal Rule

Nicaragua is better known for its dictators and revolutions than for its experience with constitutional government. Yet Nicaragua has employed presidential term limits just over half of the time since becoming independent in 1821. Unfortunately, all these efforts were rolled back and the right to unlimited re-election restored. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the change was by coup or revolution, in the twenty-first by constitutional amendment. This chapter examines the four longest-lived examples of Nicaraguan presidential term limits to determine why they were adopted, how they worked, why they were abandoned, and what consequences the rollbacks brought. Although distinct factors were at work in each case, there is one underlying factor common to all: a preference for personal rule among large parts of both the political elite and the citizenry as a whole.

Comparative Analysis of Federal High Courts: A Political Theory of Judicial Review

1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Bzdera
Keyword(s):  
Political Theory ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
High Court ◽  
Division Of Powers ◽  
High Courts ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Federal Judges

AbstractConstitutionalists and political scientists often claim that federal high courts are neutral and impartial arbiters of federalism disputes. However, analysis of the political impact of nine federal high courts on the division of powers clearly indicates that such courts are best characterized as centralist and nationalist. This is largely the result of the strong institutional factors that link the federal high court to the political institutions of the central government, notably the process by which federal judges are appointed. The political theory of federalism must thus be modified to take into account the centralist function of judicial review.

Learning from Failures Present and Past

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (04) ◽  
pp. 585-587
Author(s):  
Margery L. Elfin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Speaking Out ◽  
Previous Condition ◽  
Small Band ◽  
The Right ◽  
Fifteenth Amendment

The Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) is not the first failed attempt to amend the U.S. Constitution to make the political power of women more equal to that of men. Nor was the first failure connected with the so-called Women's Suffrage Amendment which was ratified in 1920. Rather, it occurred 50 years and four successful amendments earlier. Despite the determined efforts of a small group of women, the Fifteenth Amendment guaranteed the right of all male citizens to vote regardless of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude” but left out women altogether.It would be foolhardy to draw neat parallels between the experiences of activist women at two times as different as 1870 and the present. Nonetheless, it can be an instructive exercise.Americans have always been suspicious of elites, and criticism leveled at the leadership of the ERA reflects that attitude. It would be unlikely, however, for amassmovement to be the propelling force behind a constitutional amendment. Looking back at the struggle over the Fifteenth Amendment, we see that a small band of educated, upper-middle-class women fought for the inclusion of women. That those women were perceived as an elite does seem to have hurt their cause. Similarly, the ERA's chances may have been damaged by a perception that its chief proponents were not typical American women.Yet, the political culture of the time is clearly of greatest importance in determining an amendment's passage. In 1870 the barriers to acceptance of women as leaders were so great that even communicating their views was no easy task for the early suffragettes. The culture was resistant to women “speaking out.”

scholarly journals The Resurgence of the Radical Right in European Policy

2020 ◽  
pp. 182-192
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shaparov ◽  
◽  
Ekaterina Sin'kova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Parliaments ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
Radical Right Parties ◽  
Governmental Institutions ◽  
The Right

This article analyzed the rise of far-right political parties and movements in the most developed European countries - Germany, France, Sweden, Austria, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway as well as in the Visegrád Group. The current direction of the political and social development of those major European states shows great resemblance to the 1980s. The political framework is defined by escalating disappointment in social and governmental institutions, growing political fragmentation and increasing complexity of political communications. Under such circumstances radical right parties firmly secured their presence in the national parliaments and enhanced it over the last decade. Alongside their electoral success on the supranational level, it indicates significant alterations in the European political landscape. A new reality is being built while the right radicalism strives to demarginalize itself with its high adaptivity to the essential political institutions. The article analyzed causes and consequences of the ongoing changes. It suggested a new angle to assess the present radical right’s policy effects. Proceeding from the neoinstitutional approach it provided an insight into the key assumptions of radical right, far-right contagion and institutional isomorphism, while outlining the electoral dynamics and distribution of the radical right parties and assembling the concepts of their classification.

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