The Effects of Immigration on Welfare Spending in Europe

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies
Keyword(s):  
Western Europe ◽  
General Rule ◽  
Budget Cuts ◽  
Specific Level ◽  
Welfare Spending ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Extreme Right Parties

In the final step of analysis, the insights from the previous chapters are conflated into one analysis of the effect(s) of immigration on welfare spending in Western Europe. The general finding is that the impact of immigration is highly conditional and is moderated by the insurance area, the program-specific level of middle-class involvement, the government coalition, or a combination of these variables. If the conditions resemble those of the US, immigration does decrease welfare spending. However, for most of Western Europe, these conflict-laden conditions are not fulfilled and, in many cases, immigration does not lead to budget cuts. The only exception to this general rule is unemployment insurance (and probably, social assistance) where immigration does indeed depress spending. With regard to political effects, the models show that Extreme Right Parties (ERPs) are especially unreliable partners in coalitions inclined to welfare state retrenchment.

scholarly journals Warlords, the United States, and the state of anarchy in Afghanistan

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Shah Azami
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Illegal Mining ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

As part of its “War on Terror”, the United States (US) provided immense sums of money and advanced equipment to Afghan warlords in order to defeat and dismantle the Taliban and al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Nearly two decades after the 2001 US-led intervention in Afghanistan that toppled the Taliban regime, the US continues supporting the warlords in various ways. As the intervention was also aimed at establishing a functioning state and reconstruction of the war-torn country, the US needed the support of local warlords to achieve its goals. However, over time, warlords and warlordism became a major challenge to the postTaliban state-building project and in many ways undermined the overall security and the state monopoly on violence. These warlords, who had been mostly expelled and defeated by the Taliban regime, returned under the aegis of the B52 bombers, recaptured parts of the country and reestablished their fiefdoms with US support and resources. They not only resist giving up the power and prestige they have accumulated over the past few years, but also hamper the effort to improve governance and enact necessary reforms in the country. In addition, many of them run their private militias and have been accused of serious human rights abuses as well as drug trafficking, arms smuggling, illegal mining and extortion in the areas under their control or influence. In many ways, they challenge the government authority and have become a major hurdle to the country’s emerging from lawlessness and anarchy. This paper explores the emergence and reemergence of warlords in Afghanistan as well as the evolution of chaos and anarchy in the country, especially after the US-led intervention of late 2001. It also analyzes the impact of the post-9/11 US support to Afghan warlords and its negative consequences for the overall stability and the US-led state-building process in Afghanistan.

Western Europe and the collapse of Bretton Woods

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-300
Author(s):  
Michael De Groot
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Rate System ◽  
Bretton Woods ◽  
The Us ◽  
Exchange Rate System ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

This article contends that Western Europe played a crucial and overlooked role in the collapse of Bretton Woods. Most scholars highlight the role of the United States, focusing on the impact of US balance of payments deficits, Washington’s inability to manage inflation, the weakness of the US dollar, and American domestic politics. Drawing on archival research in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States, this article argues that Western European decisions to float their currencies at various points from 1969 to 1973 undermined the fixed exchange rate system. The British, Dutch, and West Germans opted to float their currencies as a means of protecting against imported inflation or protecting their reserve assets, but each float reinforced speculators’ expectations that governments would break from their fixed parities. The acceleration of financial globalization and the expansion of the Euromarkets in the 1960s made Bretton Woods increasingly difficult to defend.

scholarly journals EXAMINATION OF TYPES OF INFLUENCES OF THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA, ASSESSMENT OF SPECIFIC EXAMPLES AND THEIR CHARACTERISTIC IN THE ASPECT OF CURRENT NEEDS OF UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 24-32
Author(s):  
Tetiana Kondakova
Keyword(s):  
Support Groups ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Prisoners ◽  
Highly Qualified ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Internship Programs ◽  
The Impact

This article analyzes the impact of the Ukrainian diaspora on Ukraine using an extensive survey of more than sixty opinion leaders, scholars, representatives of Ukrainian organizations in the diaspora, as well as data shared by these organizations and relevant scientific literature. The article attempts to identify the main types of influences by areas and nature of the activity of the diaspora. One type of influence of the diaspora is informational or propaganda influence. Through the Ukrainian media, literature, art, scientific works, petitions, actions, and protests, the Ukrainian diaspora promotes information about Ukraine, contributing to the creation of a positive international image for the country. During the massacres and imprisonment of Ukrainian dissidents worldwide, student and human rights organizations set up committees to defend political prisoners under the leadership of Ukrainian diaspora representatives. The struggle for the release of Ukrainian political prisoners was also waged by the Ukrainian media that published self-published works (samvydav), research, memoirs, and documents of many Ukrainian political prisoners, documents and bulletins of the Ukrainian Helsinki Group, as well as many other materials about Soviet arbitrariness in Ukraine. Today, all Ukrainian diaspora organizations, to a greater or lesser extent, are fighting against Russian propaganda. Another type of influence of the diaspora is political influence, i.e., the ability of the diaspora to facilitate the adoption of political decisions beneficial to Ukraine by their host countries. Ukrainian diasporas are actively lobbying for Ukraine’s interests, which resulted in the proclamation of Captive Nations Week in the USA, recognition of the Holodomor as genocide of the Ukrainian people in 17 countries, the introduction of the Defending American Security from Kremlin Aggression Act and other bills to the US Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, establishment of support groups for Ukraine in the US and Canadian Parliaments, adoption of numerous laws and political documents worldwide that condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, impose sanctions on the Russian Federation, and create a legal basis for providing financial, humanitarian, and military assistance to Ukraine. The economic or financial influence of the Ukrainian diaspora on the homeland is represented by remittances sent by representatives of the diaspora to their relatives who still live in Ukraine and by financial aid provided to Ukraine by diaspora organizations and patrons to achieve specific goals. Thanks to the diaspora efforts, millions of dollars in assistance were provided to Ukraine during the years of its independence. Significant results have been achieved in the field of cultural and educational impact. The most notable examples of educational and cultural influence are the return of Ukrainian folklore and traditions to Ukraine taken away by the Soviet oppression; the establishment or restoration of organizations such as Plast, the Shevchenko Scientific Society, the Ukrainian Youth Association; organization of internship programs for Ukrainian students and young specialists; creation of advisory programs for the Government of Ukraine with the participation of highly-qualified Western specialists; transfer of know-how; and creation of training programs for Ukrainian police and army. Specific examples given in the article can demonstrate the extraordinary efforts made by the diaspora to support and assist Ukraine.

scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF "DE-ESCALATION" ZONES IN SYRIA

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramnath Reghunadhan
Keyword(s):  
Ripple Effect ◽  
North African ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Terrorist Groups ◽  
The Government ◽  
Air Force Base ◽  
Cruise Missiles ◽  
The Impact

The Syrian Civil War has entered its seventh year and has accounted for more than 500,000 killed, over 1 million injured and over 12 million Syrians living as refugees or Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). It started in 2011, partially due to the ripple effect caused by Arab Spring in the nations along the West Asian and North African (WANA) regions, and also due to the resentment of the population to the Syrian regime led by Bashar Al Assad. What began as peaceful protests in March 2011 erupted into violent, brutal attacks, all culminating into the bloodiest conflict in the 21st century, which saw intervention by many State and non-State actors like Al-Qaeda, Al-Nusra Front and the like. The involvement of foreign powers led by the US and its allies in Europe and West Asia exacerbated the situation, when they started arming, funding and training rebels and/or terrorist groups. The other prominent actors like Turkey, Qatar, Saudi Arabia supported the rebels and/or terrorist groups, while the Syrian forces were supported by Iran, Iraq and Lebanon-based militia group, Hezbollah, and lately by the Kurdish groups. In 2015, Russia too intervened in Syria to back the government forces. In April 2017, the US administration carried out its first direct military action against the Syrian government, launching cruise missiles at a Syrian air force base.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Minority Populations ◽  
Depressing Effect ◽  
Welfare Spending ◽  
Welfare Benefits ◽  
Redistributive Policies ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cross National

By briefly summarizing the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, this introduction presents to the reader the general research question: does immigration necessarily lead to welfare cuts? It outlines the significance of relationships between immigrants and native citizens, showing how these relate to redistributive policies in the US and Western Europe—but with very different results. In the US, states with high minority populations tend to favor lower welfare benefits, whereas in cross-national comparisons no such depressing effect of immigration on welfare spending can easily be identified. The book applies the insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the NPD to explain this difference, analyzing the effect of immigration on welfare state retrenchment. Finally, the introduction presents the book’s overall line of reasoning and the structure of its chapters.

scholarly journals FENOMENA KURS RUPIAH SEBELUM DAN SELAMA COVID-19

NIAGAWAN ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 197
Author(s):  
Pebri Hastuti ◽  
La Ane ◽  
Melati Yahya
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Exchange Rates ◽  
Quantitative Methods ◽  
The United States ◽  
Wilcoxon Test ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Dollar ◽  
The Exchange Rate ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

The COVID-19 pandemic was first announced by the government on March 2, 2020. COVID-19 has caused many impacts on various economic sectors in Indonesia. Not only in Indonesia but the impact of Covid-19 has disrupted world economic chains. In fact, it has the potential to cause an economic crisis in a number of countries if it is not dealt with quickly and appropriately. Especially in the exchange rate of the rupiah against the United States of America (US) which is increasingly weakening. This study aims to determine differences in the rupiah exchange rate before and during the co-19. The author uses library research instruments, documentation studies, internet browsing, where the data taken is secondary data from relevant agencies obtained from Bank Indonesia publications through Jakarta Interbank Spot Dollar Rate (Jisdor) data, data obtained from Jisdor is the rupiah exchange rate against the US dollar. This study uses quantitative methods with data analysis tools used are different test methods namely Wilcoxon Test with the help of the computer program SPSS Version 21. Where the data is taken from 7 November 2019 to 28 February 2020 before Covid-19 and during Covid-19 on March 2 until June 30, 2020. The method aims to find out significant differences between the rupiah exchange rates before and during the pandemic. The results of data processing showed that there were significant differences between the rupiah exchange rates before and during the pandemic. So it can be concluded that the spread of Covid-19 in the community will further weaken the exchange rate of the rupiah against the US Dollar.

ABO A frequency in caucasians in US and liberal politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna K. Hobgood
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Majority Vote ◽  
Blood Type ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
Genes And Environment ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Behavior

Background Genes and environment shape personality and behavior. Environment effects seem harder to pin down, but genetic effects may be studied with some precision and used to understand behavior better. So in looking at political behaviors and attitudes, genes can be helpful. The current political change in the US is toward more liberal policies heightened by the most recent national elections. Observation of the well-studied gene ABO in populations and their political voting behavior suggests that ABO A may be higher in caucasians that vote liberal politics than in caucasians that vote conservative. ABO A is high in frequency in populations of western Europe and especially eastern Europe, and socialism is more prevalent in those countries thus raising the suggestion that ABO A could be relevent in understanding liberalism in the US. Methods Since the US president and thus administration of the government is elected by state electoral votes, surveying the frequency of ABO A in each state population was done through review of the medical literature. Results Caucasians have a significantly higher frequency of ABO A than other ethnicities. Minorities historically vote significantly higher for liberal policies, but the Caucasian majority vote, theoretically more status quo and thus conservative would be necessary to have some voters choose liberal if liberals have a chance at winning an election. Since caucasians are in the majority in US population and since ethnicity of ABO frequencies in each state is not readily available information, an adjustment for ethnicity was applied by dividing each state’s frequency of ABO A blood type by the frequency of caucasians in that state’s population thus ABO A among caucasians in the red states (conservative) vs the blue states (liberal). Conclusion Higher ABO A frequency in caucasians in states that vote liberal was thus inferred

US-Nicaragua relations may sour post-election

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
International Funding ◽  
The Us ◽  
Legislative Proposal ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
International Financing

Subject The impact of the Nicaraguan Investment Conditionality Act. Significance In late September, the US House of Representatives approved a new legislative proposal called the Nicaraguan Investment Conditionality Act (NICA). The NICA is designed to prevent the government of President Daniel Ortega from gaining access to international financing until he introduces reforms "that promote democracy, strengthen the rule of law, respect human rights, and celebrate free, fair, and transparent elections supervised by electoral observers." Impacts US-Nicaragua relations will deteriorate further, particularly if Washington criticises an Ortega victory in November. The lack of international observers at the polls will exacerbate concerns, lending weight to US efforts to curtail international funding. Protests against the Nicaragua canal will increase, with many using them to express their general opposition to the Ortega government.

Mandate matters: evaluating the effects of electoral mandates in Western Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 113-141
Author(s):  
Emiliano Grossman ◽  
Isabelle Guinaudeau
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Negative Binomial ◽  
Party Manifestos ◽  
Legislative Agenda ◽  
Clarity Of Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Government Coalition

This chapter explores the implications of mandate theories of democracy through the lens of agenda-setting, looking at the impact of priorities emphasized in party manifestos on the legislative agenda. It examines the respective impact of the priorities in the manifesto of the party of the prime minister, the parties in the government coalition (where applicable), and all parliamentary parties (systemic attention). Using panel negative binomial regressions of legislative and electoral priorities, the conclusion is that mandate priorities do affect government policies to a greater extent than scholarship has so far acknowledged. And this does not seem to have changed over time. The agenda-setting impact of mandates is supported by qualitative observations on promises and policy in France and Germany. The only exception to this effect is the UK, which is surprising in view of arguments on institutional capacity, clarity of responsibility, and enhanced accountability in majoritarian systems—a paradox examined in Chapter 7.

Russian-African relations and the US factor in 2015–2018

2018 ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Urnov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article is an attempt to trace the impact of the US factor on the Russian African relations during the last years of B. Obama’s administration rule and at the initial stage of D. Trump presidency (2015–2018). The comparative assessment of Moscow and Washington African policy is made. The author demonstrates distinctions and continuity in the activities of the two US administrations in Africa. D. Trump has not included Africa in the list of his foreign policy priorities. Washington however has no intention to withdraw from the Black continent. There, as everywhere, “the American leadership” remains the invariable aim. In the 21th century, the Russia Federation policy in Africa has become much more active. Guided by the concept of multipolar world and in view of its current potential, economic in particular, Moscow has no intention to compete with the USA and other foreign actors for the overwhelming influence in Africa. Its tasks are pragmatic and realistic. In Africa, as globally, the US policy towards Russia is hostile. However the author is of the opinion that Washington does not consider Russia as a serious threaten for its positions and plans in Africa. The new National security strategy of the United States of America approved in December 2018 is full of antirussian outbursts, but in a section, dealing with the US priorities in Africa, Russia is not mentioned. The main American enemies there are international terrorists and China. Hence, no tough confrontation between the two parties – so far. Therefore rivalry there is confined to competition. The article is focused on visits in March 2018 of the Russian foreign minister S. Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia and of then US Secretary of State R.Tillerson to Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad and Nigeria. The situation around some most sensitive US-Russia points of intersection in Africa – such as Egypt, Libya and South Africa Republic – is analyzed. The development of Cairo’s bilateral relations with Washington and Moscow is reviewed. It is noted that cooperation between Russia and Egypt is of mutual benefit and that the two countries need each other. But of this cooperation has its limits as the USA remains the main foreign partner of Egypt. The conclusion is that Russia has taken a course for a gradual restoration of its positions in Libya after the overthrow of M. Kaddafi. Moscow’s contribution to the settlement of the political crisis in the country is explored. Constructive contacts have been established with all major participants of this process. Special attention is paid to the National Libyan Army Commander, Field-Marshal H. Haftar. The United States preferences the head of the Government of national accord F. Sarraj. The attempts to interfere into Russia – South Africa using the resignation of president J. Zuma who firmly stood for friendship with Moscow have failed. The new president S. Ramaphosa has confirmed the policy of strong bilateral cooperation.

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