ABO A frequency in caucasians in US and liberal politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Donna K. Hobgood

Background Genes and environment shape personality and behavior. Environment effects seem harder to pin down, but genetic effects may be studied with some precision and used to understand behavior better. So in looking at political behaviors and attitudes, genes can be helpful. The current political change in the US is toward more liberal policies heightened by the most recent national elections. Observation of the well-studied gene ABO in populations and their political voting behavior suggests that ABO A may be higher in caucasians that vote liberal politics than in caucasians that vote conservative. ABO A is high in frequency in populations of western Europe and especially eastern Europe, and socialism is more prevalent in those countries thus raising the suggestion that ABO A could be relevent in understanding liberalism in the US. Methods Since the US president and thus administration of the government is elected by state electoral votes, surveying the frequency of ABO A in each state population was done through review of the medical literature. Results Caucasians have a significantly higher frequency of ABO A than other ethnicities. Minorities historically vote significantly higher for liberal policies, but the Caucasian majority vote, theoretically more status quo and thus conservative would be necessary to have some voters choose liberal if liberals have a chance at winning an election. Since caucasians are in the majority in US population and since ethnicity of ABO frequencies in each state is not readily available information, an adjustment for ethnicity was applied by dividing each state’s frequency of ABO A blood type by the frequency of caucasians in that state’s population thus ABO A among caucasians in the red states (conservative) vs the blue states (liberal). Conclusion Higher ABO A frequency in caucasians in states that vote liberal was thus inferred

Author(s):  
R. V. Yengibaryan

Introduction. The personality of any US president due to his enormous constitutional authority and the place in the government structure of the country has always been considered extremely significant, even if in reality he did not quite measure up to the high moral and political criteria that both voters and the international community wanted him to meet.Materials and methods. Various scientific methods such as comparative-legal, systemic and a number of others form the methodological and research basis of the article.Results of the study. The US President, who is also the head of the Federal Government, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and the US Navy is not only the first executive person of the country, but also the leader of one of the two leading political parties with enormous political and moral impact on the whole country, and the entire world community. During his term in office as President of the United States, all America and the whole world watch him on television, read and hear about him almost daily. To some extent he sets standards for men’s official fashion and behavior in society and in the family, he is a epitome of virtue and justice. How successful he is in this capacity is another question, but the fact is that the world community discusses his actions, words and behavior, wants to be like him or, on the contrary, criticizes him and does not agree with him, and this is an undeniable fact.Discussion and conclusion. With the date of the next presidential elections approaching and especially in the midst of the presidential campaign a large number of popular scientific and other publications are published in the United States and around the world on the institution of the US Presidency, its amazing stability and the ability to effectively lead the most dynamic branch of the three powers provided by the US Constitution the executive power.


Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies

In the final step of analysis, the insights from the previous chapters are conflated into one analysis of the effect(s) of immigration on welfare spending in Western Europe. The general finding is that the impact of immigration is highly conditional and is moderated by the insurance area, the program-specific level of middle-class involvement, the government coalition, or a combination of these variables. If the conditions resemble those of the US, immigration does decrease welfare spending. However, for most of Western Europe, these conflict-laden conditions are not fulfilled and, in many cases, immigration does not lead to budget cuts. The only exception to this general rule is unemployment insurance (and probably, social assistance) where immigration does indeed depress spending. With regard to political effects, the models show that Extreme Right Parties (ERPs) are especially unreliable partners in coalitions inclined to welfare state retrenchment.


2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (3) ◽  
pp. 588-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNA GETMANSKY ◽  
THOMAS ZEITZOFF

How does the threat of becoming a victim of terrorism affect voting behavior? Localities in southern Israel have been exposed to rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip since 2001. Relying on variation across time and space in the range of rockets, we identify the effect of this threat on voting in Israeli elections. We first show that the evolution of the rockets’ range leads to exogenous variation in the threat of terrorism. We then compare voting in national elections within and outside the rockets’ range. Our results suggest that the right-wing vote share is 2 to 6 percentage points higher in localities that are within the range—a substantively significant effect. Unlike previous studies that explore the role of actual exposure to terrorism on political preferences and behavior, we show that the mere threat of an attack affects voting.


Subject Prospects for Western Europe in 2017. Significance It promises to be another tumultuous year in Western Europe, with decisive national elections in the Netherlands in March, France in April and May, and Germany in September. In the wake of the Brexit vote and Donald Trump's victory in the US presidential election, these will determine whether moderate forces can hold the line and resist the rise of populist nationalism across Western Europe.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Algimantas Kasparavičius

The analysis and evaluation of the 17 December 1926 coup d’état in Lithuanian historical scholarship to a large extent remain a relevant and controversial problem. The authoritarian regime formed after the coup has received various, yet not always well-grounded, descriptions and evaluations in historical writings. The aim of this article is (without attempting to answer at once all the questions pertaining to this issue) to tackle this problem from a different angle and as if from a distance, namely to analyse the political-diplomatic reaction to the coup d’état in Lithuania of the parties, which were not directly interested (foreign states). On the one hand, the majority of democratic governments in Europe and the US administration had at least reserved and unopposed, if not favourable, view of the events of the 17 December 1926 in Lithuania. On the other hand, public, labour professional organisations and a part of the media in a number of foreign democracies were critical about the unconstitutional change of the government in Lithuania and the dictatorial domestic policy of the government formed on authoritarian grounds. Thirdly, in the eyes of liberal and democratic citizens or societies of the Western Europe the 1926 coup impaired the international prestige of Lithuania since it prompted doubts over the democratic traditions of the young state, the maturity of its social and political culture as well as prospects of maintaining its statehood.


Author(s):  
Carlin Crisanti ◽  
Jennifer Merolla

The September 11th attacks were the deadliest international terrorist attacks to have occurred on US soil, and have had profound effects on American public opinion. Ever since that day, researchers from various fields have been investigating the ways in which these highly traumatic events have affected the American public. As we are interested in chronicling the multitude of public responses to these attacks, we draw not only from the field of political science, but also from other fields such as sociology, economics, psychology, and medicine. Although this is a vast literature, we have identified seven broad categories that capture how the American people reacted in the aftermath of the attacks, and given reminders of the attacks. The seven fields are as follows: (1) risk perceptions, emotions, and disorders; (2) attitudes toward outgroups and the policies which affect them; (3) trust and patriotism; (4) ideology; (5) policy preferences; (6) evaluations of leaders and voting behavior: and (7) media coverage. We also note that all of the studies in this review deal specifically with 9/11 or reminders of 9/11 in the US context. There is a much richer literature that explores the effects of terrorist attacks more generally both within and outside of the United States.


2015 ◽  
pp. 30-53
Author(s):  
V. Popov

This paper examines the trajectory of growth in the Global South. Before the 1500s all countries were roughly at the same level of development, but from the 1500s Western countries started to grow faster than the rest of the world and PPP GDP per capita by 1950 in the US, the richest Western nation, was nearly 5 times higher than the world average and 2 times higher than in Western Europe. Since 1950 this ratio stabilized - not only Western Europe and Japan improved their relative standing in per capita income versus the US, but also East Asia, South Asia and some developing countries in other regions started to bridge the gap with the West. After nearly half of the millennium of growing economic divergence, the world seems to have entered the era of convergence. The factors behind these trends are analyzed; implications for the future and possible scenarios are considered.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.


AKADEMIKA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-77
Author(s):  
Misbahul Khoir

In order for humans could reach the so-called falah (goodness), human behavior needs to be colored with the spirit and norms of Islamic economics reflected in its values. The principles and values of Islamic economics are considerably two inseparable things. The implementation of economic principles without being colored with values or values without being based on principles could keep people far away from their purpose, namely falah. The implementation of values not based on principles will tend to bring with it the normative economics, which would cause it trapped into injustice. While the implementation of values on the Islamic economic development is based on the five universal values, namely akidah (belief), 'adl (justice), nubuwwah (prophetic), khilafah (the government), and ma'ad (results). The five principles are used as the basis for building theories of Islamic economics. But strong and adequate theories not applied into a system will make the Islamic economics just as the study of science without giving positive impact on the economic life. Therefore, based on the five universal values, the three derivative principles should be built into the characteristics and the forerunner of the Islamic economic system. The Islamic economic system makes sure that there are no economic transactions that are contrary to the Shari'a. But business performance depends on the man behind the gun. For that reason, the economic actors within this framework could be held by non-Muslims. The Islamic economics could only be developed if the mindset and behavior of Muslims are already itqan (diligent) and ihsan (professional). It "may be" one of the secrets of the Prophet's statement, saying "Truly I was sent to perfect good character". Because good character could be an indicator of knowing good or bad behavior in determining both the success and the failure of business itself.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-168
Author(s):  
Aditya Paramita Alhayat

Meskipun Indonesia telah mengenakan tindakan anti-dumping terhadap beberapa jenis produk baja, namun impor produk tersebut masih meningkat. Salah satu kemungkinan penyebabnya adalah importasi melalui produk yang dimodifikasi secara tidak substansial atau melalui negara ketiga yang tidak dikenakan tindakan anti-dumping, yang dalam perdagangan internasional umum disebut sebagai praktik circumvention. Studi ini ditujukan untuk membuktikan bahwa circumvention mengakibatkan tindakan anti-dumping atas impor produk baja Indonesia tidak efektif dan untuk memberikan masukan berdasarkan praktik di negara lain supaya kebijakan anti-dumping Indonesia lebih efektif. Circumvention dianalisis dengan membandingkan pola perdagangan antara sebelum dan setelah pengenaan bea masuk anti-dumping (BMAD) menggunakan data sekunder dari Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS) maupun Global Trade Information Services (GTIS). Hasil analisis menunjukkan adanya indikasi kuat bahwa circumvention mengkibatkan pengenaan tindakan anti-dumping impor produk baja di Indonesia menjadi tidak efektif. Oleh karena itu, sangat penting bagi Pemerintah Indonesia untuk segera melakukan penyempurnaan terhadap Peraturan Pemerintah No. 34/2011 tentang Tindakan Antidumping, Tindakan Imbalan, dan Tindakan Pengamanan Perdagangan dengan memasukkan klausul tindakan anti-circumvention yang setidaknya mencakup bentuk-bentuk dan prosedur tindakan, sebagaimana yang telah dilakukan beberapa negara seperti: AS, EU, Australia, dan India. Although Indonesia has imposed anti-dumping measures on several types of steel products, the import of steel products is still increasing. One possible cause is that imports are made by non-substantial modification of product or through a third country which is not subject to anti-dumping measures, which is generally referred as circumvention practice. This study is aimed to prove that circumvention made Indonesian anti-dumping actions on the steel products ineffective. This also study provides recommendation for a best practice for other countries so that Indonesia's anti-dumping policy can be more effective. Circumvention was analyzed by comparing trade patterns between before and after the imposition of anti-dumping duty using secondary data from the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) and the Global Trade Information Services (GTIS). The results of the analysis indicate that circumvention became the reason why Indonesian anti-dumping measures on imported steel products are ineffective. Therefore, it is very important for the Government of Indonesia to immediately make amendments to the Government Regulation No. 34/2011 on Antidumping, Countervailing, and Safeguard Measures by adopting clauses of anti-circumvention. This can be done bycovering the forms/types and procedures of action, as has been implemented by several countries such as the US, EU, Australia, and India.


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